Posted on Jan 19, 2016
Which President would you like to see to have gotten a Third Term in Office?
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Responses: 20
None Bro. It's not allowed, although it was tried. It's good to have term limits. Now only if we could pass that onto governors, congressman and senators.
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SGM David W. Carr LOM, DMSM MP SGT
SSG Warren Swan I totally agree we need to have it that you do 8 years total at the federal level and you are done
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None. Not one. Nope. No way. No how. I'm sad that FDR had more than two. His tenure in office extended the Great Depression. He should have taken a hint from Calvin Coolidge who stopped an economic depression cold in its tracks by immediately laying off government workers and reducing the size of government. FDR did exactly the opposite with predictable results. The longer he remained in office, the longer We the People suffered
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Capt Walter Miller
"It seems to me that FDR was a precursor to to an age when Presidents would become central to our culture. The Age of Big Government. FDR initiated the trend, but it languished for a while until more recent times."
Well, no. It was President Lincoln who found presidential powers in the Constitution that no one had seen before. But I wouldn’t expect –you- to know –that-.
"Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the constitution? By general law life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life; but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful, by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the constitution, through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that, to the best of my ability, I had even tried to preserve the constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution all together. When, early in the war, Gen. Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When a little later, Gen. Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, Gen. Hunter attempted military emancipation, I again forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March, and May, and July 1862 I made earnest, and successive appeals to the border states to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation, and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it, the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this, I was not entirely confident. More than a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our foreign relations, none in our home popular sentiment, none in our white military force, -- no loss by it any how or any where. On the contrary, it shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand soldiers, seamen, and laborers. These are palpable facts, about which, as facts, there can be no cavilling. We have the men; and we could not have had them without the measure."
- A. Lincoln Letter to Albert Hodges 4/4/64
Walt
Well, no. It was President Lincoln who found presidential powers in the Constitution that no one had seen before. But I wouldn’t expect –you- to know –that-.
"Was it possible to lose the nation, and yet preserve the constitution? By general law life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life; but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful, by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the constitution, through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could not feel that, to the best of my ability, I had even tried to preserve the constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor matter, I should permit the wreck of government, country, and Constitution all together. When, early in the war, Gen. Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade it, because I did not then think it an indispensable necessity. When a little later, Gen. Cameron, then Secretary of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, because I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity. When, still later, Gen. Hunter attempted military emancipation, I again forbade it, because I did not yet think the indispensable necessity had come. When, in March, and May, and July 1862 I made earnest, and successive appeals to the border states to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipation, and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that measure. They declined the proposition; and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either surrendering the Union, and with it, the Constitution, or of laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss; but of this, I was not entirely confident. More than a year of trial now shows no loss by it in our foreign relations, none in our home popular sentiment, none in our white military force, -- no loss by it any how or any where. On the contrary, it shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand soldiers, seamen, and laborers. These are palpable facts, about which, as facts, there can be no cavilling. We have the men; and we could not have had them without the measure."
- A. Lincoln Letter to Albert Hodges 4/4/64
Walt
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Capt Walter Miller
"The Munich Agreement was a settlement permitting Nazi Germany's annexation of portions of Czechoslovakia along the country's borders mainly inhabited by German speakers, for which a new territorial designation "Sudetenland" was coined. The agreement was negotiated at a conference held in Munich, Germany, among the major powers of Europe, excluding the Soviet Union and Czechoslovakia. Today, it is widely regarded as a failed act of appeasement toward Germany. The agreement was signed in the early hours of 30 September 1938 (but dated 29 September). " - wiki
Note the date.
"Whatever the case, on Monday, November 14, 1938, President Roosevelt summoned a number of his key military and political advisers to the White House for what might have been the -single most-important meeting in modern American history - maybe in modern world history."
- The Road to Big Week p. 48 by Eric Hammel
Note the date.
"Whatever the case, on Monday, November 14, 1938, President Roosevelt summoned a number of his key military and political advisers to the White House for what might have been the -single most-important meeting in modern American history - maybe in modern world history."
- The Road to Big Week p. 48 by Eric Hammel
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Capt Walter Miller
If you don't know what 'Big Week' was, you need to buck up your PME and find out.
Walt
Walt
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Capt Walter Miller
Big Week - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
From February 20–25, 1944, as part of the European strategic bombing campaign, the United States Strategic Air Forces (USSTAF) launched Operation Argument, a series of missions against the Third Reich that became known as Big Week. The planners intended to lure the Luftwaffe into a decisive battle by launching massive attacks on the German aircraft industry. By defeating the Luftwaffe, the Allies would achieve air superiority and the invasion...
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Bill Clinton, because he did not have sexual relations with that woman! LMBO!
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