Posted on Nov 13, 2016
What was the most significant event on September 14 during the U.S. Civil War?
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The Battle of South Mountain: 158th Anniversary of Antietam Live!
Garry Adelman is joined by former park ranger and Co-Founder of the American Battlefield Trust Dennis Frye as well as Tom Clemens from the Save Historic Anti...
Northern and southern marines fight at Pensacola in 1861. In 182 a confederate general was killed and later a union general was killed at South Mountain, Maryland. By 1864, CSA Gen John Bell Hood and Union Maj Gen William T. Sherman disagreed over confederate prisoners doing forced labor in Atlanta.
In 1862, CSA Brigadier General Samuel Garland was mortally wounded during the Battle of Fox's Gap, Maryland and he died later that day. Later that day, USA Major General Jesse Reno was also mortally wounded a few feet from the spot where Garland fell.
In 1861, CSA Gen Robert E. Lee “troops from the Army of the Northwest were poised around Cheat Mountain and Elkwater in Western Virginia. His complex plan of a surprise attack had failed the first day and his plan to get around the Union flank on the second day met with not much more than the death of his aide-de-camp, John A. Washington, the great-grandnephew of George Washington. On this date, his body was still behind Union lines.
Lee sent a few messengers under a flag of truce towards where Washington was killed in order to retrieve the body. Coming from the Union lines, also under a flag of truce, were a few Union soldiers bearing the remains on a stretcher. They exchanged the body and the Confederates brought it back to camp.
With two days of hard campaigning, planning, and skirmishing behind him, Lee had nothing to show. With six weeks of command in Western Virginia, the situation appeared no better than it did when he first arrived.
On Cheat Mountain, Col. Rust, who was to signal the start of the attack by all five Confederate brigades, had determined that “the expedition against Cheat Mountain failed.” He believed that there was nothing to gain in attacking the mountain.
General Lee seemed to be of a similar mind as he issued an order for a general withdraw to the original camps of the Army at Valley Mountain (south of Elkwater) and Traveler’s Repose (east of Cheat Mountain). In his orders, Lee put a bit of a spin on the entire operation, writing that they had “completed” a “forced reconnaissance of the enemy’s positions” rather than a plan of attack that was botched from the start.
Meanwhile, farther south, General Floyd, commanding the Confederate Army of the Kanawha, had pulled back to Big Sewell Mountain. Union Generals Rosecrans and Cox were each within a day’s march and Floyd was worried of an attack. He sent a dispatch to General Wise for his cavalry to watch the Turnpike leading to General Cox’s men at Gauley Bridge, in order that he “may be reliably and speedily informed of the advance of the enemy.” Floyd’s own cavalry were keeping a watch out for General Rosecrans advancing from Carnifex Ferry.
After the battle at Carnifex, Rosecrans took a few days to fix the ferry boats and get his men across. By this date, he had one brigade on the east side of the Gauley River. They spent most of their day marching to General Wise’s old camp at Dogwood Gap, now occupied by General Cox.”
[civilwardailygazette.com/lee-doesnt-quite-admit-defeat-fremont-almost-responds/]
In 1861, Maj Gen John C.: Fremont “was trying to figure out how best to reinforce the city of Lexington, which was being surrounded by 10,000 Missouri State Guards under the command of General Sterling Price. After a few telegrams back and forth with Col. Davis in Jefferson City, 100 miles east of Lexington, he ordered Davis to send two regiments to the besieged city, promising to send two from St. Louis in return.
Fremont, the day before, had ordered General Sturgis, who was much closer to Lexington than Davis, to Booneville, which was closer to Davis than Sturgis, where the Rebels were suspected to attack. After receiving word from Davis that Booneville was secure, he ordered Sturgis to Jefferson City, giving him command over Davis. A few hours later, however, Fremont finally ordered Sturgis to Lexington.
Then came, in quick secession, two telegrams from Washington. One was from Secretary of War Simon Cameron, the other, from General-in-Chief Winfield Scott. Both contained the same order: “Detach 5,000 infantry from your department to come here without delay, and report the number of the troops that will be left with you. The President dictates.”
Cameron noted that the missing troops would be made up by new recruits from Illinois, Iowa and Kansas”.
[civilwardailygazette.com/lee-doesnt-quite-admit-defeat-fremont-almost-responds/]
In 1863, CSA Gen John Bell Hood and Maj Gen William T Sherman embarrassed themselves. “From all indications, the prisoner exchange would be small, but it was something – especially for the 4,000 soldiers who would be swapped. “I agre upon the terms of your letter of the 12th to the exchange of the 2,000 prisoners captured by both armies,” wrote Confederate General John Bell Hood to William Tecumseh Sherman. But he had a grievence. Sherman wished to give back “the men captured in Atlanta who are soldiers of the Confederate Army,” but were on some sort of labor duty within the city.
“I can make no agreement to exchange, not knowing whether they are exempts, or what they are,” concluded Hood, “but for every many regularly in the C.S. service, whether detailed or not, I will exchange man for man.”
The place was set – Rough and Ready, outside of Atlanta, and Hood sent word to Andersonville prison to prepare to release the last 2,000 Union soldiers there received. Sherman did the same, sending to Chattanooga word of the exchange. The staff officers of the two generals would meet tomorrow to work out the details.
While this seemed amicable enough, there was a completely different conversation happening parallel to the one about prisoners. Sherman had seen the disadvantages that a disloyal population could bring to an army garrisoned within its city. It was because of this that he decided to evacuate Atlanta. Those loyal to the South were welcome to go south, those loyal to the North were welcome to go north. Nobody, however, could stay.
Sherman first proposed this idea on the 7th, and on the 9th Hood voiced his strong objection, stating that “the unprecedented measure you propose transcends, in studied and ingenious cruelty, all acts ever before brought to my attention in the dark history of war.”
In response, Sherman reminded Hood that “it is not unprecedented, for General Johnston himself, very wisely and properly, removed the families all the way from Dalton down, and I see no reason why Atlanta should be excepted.” He also argued that there was “no reason to appeal to the dark history of war when recent and modern examples are so handy.”
He also reminded Hood that he (Hood) had “burned dwellings along your parapet [in Atlanta], and I have seen today fifty houses that you have rendered uninhabitable because they stood in the way of yoru forts and men. You defended Atlanta on a line so close to town that every cannon shot and many musket shots from our line of investment that overshot their mark went into the habitations of women and children.”
Sherman put forward that it was “a kindness to these families of Atlanta to remove them now at once from scenes that women and children should not be exposed to, and the “brave people” should scorn to commit their wives and children to the rude barbarians who thus, as you say, violate the laws of war, as illustrated in the pages of its dark history.”
Sherman’s letter was biting, sarcastic and brilliantly written. Hood’s reply denied that Johnston did any such thing. “I feel no other emotion than pain in reading that portion of your letter which attempts to justify your shelling of Atlanta without notice….”
The conversation quickly devolved into an argument about politics and the reasons the war was started. God was also brought into things, as was white supremacy.
“You came into our country,” wrote Hood, “with your army avowedly for the purpose of subjugating free white men, women and children, and not only intend to rule over them, but you make negroes your allies and desire to place over us an inferior race, which we have raised from barbarism to its present position, which is the highest ever attained by that race in any country in all time.”
Sherman, in his previous letter, suggested that they simply “fight it out like men,” probably referring to the armies, but perhaps he wished to meet with Hood in the boxing ring. Hood seemed acquiescent. “To this my reply is, for myself, and, I believe, for all the true men, ay, and women and children in my country, we will fight you to the death. Better die a thousand deaths than submit to live under you or your Government and your negro allies.”
In between tirades, Hood suggested that such a discussion between two soliders was profitless, and Sherman heartily agreed. In his follow up letter, Sherman too placed the race card, telling Hood that “not a single negro soldier left Chattanooga with this army or is with it now.” This was Sherman’s design. Like Meade, and like the entire Confederate army he was fighting, Sherman wanted nothing at all to do with black soldiers.
But in the end, it was profitless. “This is the conclusion of our correspondence, which I did not begin,” wrote Sherman, “and terminate with satisfaction.”
No further letters would be exchanged between the two about such matters.”
[civilwardailygazette.com/we-will-fight-you-to-the-death-hood-and-sherman-embarrass-themselves/]
September 14, 1862 Battle of South Mountain
Garry Adelman is joined by former park ranger and Co-Founder of the American Battlefield Trust Dennis Frye as well as Tom Clemens from the Save Historic Antietam Foundation to break down the events at South Mountain on September 14, 1862 leading up to the Battle of Antietam
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JMIUASySaeY
Pictures: 1862-09-14 battle of South Mountain MD; 1861-09-14 Privateer CSS Judah burning; 1862-09-14 Battle of South Mountain CWT - Crampton’s Gap Map; 1862-09-14 South Mountain CWT Fox - Turner Map
A. 1861: The USS Colorado, commanded by Col. Harvey Brown, descended on the Pensacola, Florida navy yard. Braxton Bragg’s poorly trained Confederate force quickly left, leaving the Confederate privateer, Judah. Early in the morning, a force of nearly one hundred men made up from a mix of the Colorado’s crew and on-board Marines under the command of Lt. J.H. Russell, cast off in four longboats. The Colorado's men destroyed the Judah, and occupied the navy yard.
Marines from the first two boats successfully boarded the mostly deserted Judah and, under increasing danger from gunfire ashore, set her hull on fire. Marines from the third boat meanwhile, landed and spiked four, 10 in. Columbiad guns of the nearest shore battery manned by Confederate Marines of Co. B and commanded by Captain Alfred Van Benthuysen, before they too were forced back by sparodic gunfire.
B. 1862: Battle of South Mountain, Maryland. The Battle of South Mountain the first major battle fought north of the Potomac and it was there-and not at Antietam-where Lee’s first invasion of Union territory was initially met-and turned back. It was a daylong fight, spread out across many miles of rugged, mountainous terrain, as the two sides slugged it out for control of several key mountain passes. Total casualties exceeded 5,000 men, killed, wounded, or captured, a number comparable to those lost at First Bull Run. By day’s end, George McClellan and his Army of the Potomac emerged triumphant; their first major victory of the war. Conversely, and for the first time since he assumed army command three-and-a-half months earlier, Robert E. Lee suffered a serious battlefield defeat. That night, in ordering a retreat from the mountain, Lee also decided to bring an end to his invasion north. Lee’s retreat took him some eight miles westward across the Antietam Creek where he hoped to regain his lost initiative and score a victory on Union soil. As at South Mountain, however, here again Lee was defeated at the hands of McClellan and his victory-flushed Army of the Potomac.
C. 1863: Maj Gen William Rosecrans continued to concentrate his forces, as he had be trying to catch CSA General Braxton Bragg since he abandoned Chattanooga. Bragg for the last week had been trying to lure the Union Army into a full scale battle. By now General Rosecrans was just wanting to gather his troops together and go back to Chattanooga.
Braxton Bragg had twice let opportunities to strike a decisive blow slip through his fingers. It was due to insubordination and lack of his own clear and direct orders that both chances were gone. However, the Federal Army of the Cumberland, commanded by William Rosecrans, was still fragmented, while his own Confederate Army of Tennessee was to concentrate along Chickamauga Creek, outside of Chattanooga.
From all that Bragg knew from his headquarters at La Fayette, Rosecrans’ army was divided into three portions. To the north was Chattanooga. At least one division, but possibly an entire corps had come down and was threatening his left around Rock Spring. Across Pigeon Mountain to his front was another portion of the enemy’s force, again possibly a corps, resting in McLemore’s Cove. On Bragg’s left (to the south) was an entire corps, but he suspected the probability of two. All through the previous day (the 13th), he and D.H. Hill, whose troops occupied the La Fayette area, were constantly looking over their shoulders for an attack that never came.
In truth, there was a full corps at each of the mentioned locations, with Alexander McCook’s XX Corps to the south at Alpine. Rosecrans needed to concentrate his army, but getting McCook’s troops to join George Thomas’ XIV Corps at McLemore’s Cover would be no easy task. The problem was that General McCook still understood the Cover to be held by Bragg’s Confederates, when really it was held by Thomas’ Federals. Running from McCook’s position at Alpine to Thomas’ at McLemore’s was a small mountain road about fifteen miles in length. Since McCook believed that way to be blocked, he was instead left with a fifty-mile tramp that would force his corps to recross Lookout Mountain.
And so McCook’s men stepped off on the morning of the 13th, ready to march over three times as far as they actually needed. Oddly, General Thomas knew nothing of this road, either, and suggested on this date that McCook was on the right path. The only person who seemed to know about this shortcut was General Rosecrans, who didn’t bother to clue McCook in on it until the evening of this date. This little mistake would cost McCook’s Corps over two days of pointless marching.
D. 1864: Confederate cattle rustlers make plans to steal union cattle to feed the CSA forces at Petersburg. CSA General Robert E. Lee was in trouble since even the corn rations had run out for his men at Petersburg, Virginia, but CSA General Wade Hampton III had learned of 3,000 head of cattle on the James River at Coggin’s Point, just five miles away from Lt. General Ulysses S. Grant’s headquarters, which were lightly defended by only 120 Union soldiers and 30 civilians. Now with 3,000 Rebel troops following him, some of these men included “several certified Texas cattle thieves,” he figures on getting most of the cattle to Petersburg. He is now riding south of the cities, behind Union lines, and chooses to cross where the Cook’s Bridge over the Blackwater River once stood, knowing that an attack from there would be unexpected.
FYI PV2 Larry Sellnow SFC Ralph E Kelley MAJ (Join to see) MAJ (Join to see) CPT Jack Durish PO3 Edward Riddle Maj William W. 'Bill' Price COL (Join to see) SSgt David M.] SPC Maurice Evans SPC Jon O. SGT Jim ArnoldAmn Dale PreisachCW4 (Join to see) SSG (Join to see)LTC John Griscom LTC Thomas Tennant LTC David Brown LTC (Join to see)
In 1862, CSA Brigadier General Samuel Garland was mortally wounded during the Battle of Fox's Gap, Maryland and he died later that day. Later that day, USA Major General Jesse Reno was also mortally wounded a few feet from the spot where Garland fell.
In 1861, CSA Gen Robert E. Lee “troops from the Army of the Northwest were poised around Cheat Mountain and Elkwater in Western Virginia. His complex plan of a surprise attack had failed the first day and his plan to get around the Union flank on the second day met with not much more than the death of his aide-de-camp, John A. Washington, the great-grandnephew of George Washington. On this date, his body was still behind Union lines.
Lee sent a few messengers under a flag of truce towards where Washington was killed in order to retrieve the body. Coming from the Union lines, also under a flag of truce, were a few Union soldiers bearing the remains on a stretcher. They exchanged the body and the Confederates brought it back to camp.
With two days of hard campaigning, planning, and skirmishing behind him, Lee had nothing to show. With six weeks of command in Western Virginia, the situation appeared no better than it did when he first arrived.
On Cheat Mountain, Col. Rust, who was to signal the start of the attack by all five Confederate brigades, had determined that “the expedition against Cheat Mountain failed.” He believed that there was nothing to gain in attacking the mountain.
General Lee seemed to be of a similar mind as he issued an order for a general withdraw to the original camps of the Army at Valley Mountain (south of Elkwater) and Traveler’s Repose (east of Cheat Mountain). In his orders, Lee put a bit of a spin on the entire operation, writing that they had “completed” a “forced reconnaissance of the enemy’s positions” rather than a plan of attack that was botched from the start.
Meanwhile, farther south, General Floyd, commanding the Confederate Army of the Kanawha, had pulled back to Big Sewell Mountain. Union Generals Rosecrans and Cox were each within a day’s march and Floyd was worried of an attack. He sent a dispatch to General Wise for his cavalry to watch the Turnpike leading to General Cox’s men at Gauley Bridge, in order that he “may be reliably and speedily informed of the advance of the enemy.” Floyd’s own cavalry were keeping a watch out for General Rosecrans advancing from Carnifex Ferry.
After the battle at Carnifex, Rosecrans took a few days to fix the ferry boats and get his men across. By this date, he had one brigade on the east side of the Gauley River. They spent most of their day marching to General Wise’s old camp at Dogwood Gap, now occupied by General Cox.”
[civilwardailygazette.com/lee-doesnt-quite-admit-defeat-fremont-almost-responds/]
In 1861, Maj Gen John C.: Fremont “was trying to figure out how best to reinforce the city of Lexington, which was being surrounded by 10,000 Missouri State Guards under the command of General Sterling Price. After a few telegrams back and forth with Col. Davis in Jefferson City, 100 miles east of Lexington, he ordered Davis to send two regiments to the besieged city, promising to send two from St. Louis in return.
Fremont, the day before, had ordered General Sturgis, who was much closer to Lexington than Davis, to Booneville, which was closer to Davis than Sturgis, where the Rebels were suspected to attack. After receiving word from Davis that Booneville was secure, he ordered Sturgis to Jefferson City, giving him command over Davis. A few hours later, however, Fremont finally ordered Sturgis to Lexington.
Then came, in quick secession, two telegrams from Washington. One was from Secretary of War Simon Cameron, the other, from General-in-Chief Winfield Scott. Both contained the same order: “Detach 5,000 infantry from your department to come here without delay, and report the number of the troops that will be left with you. The President dictates.”
Cameron noted that the missing troops would be made up by new recruits from Illinois, Iowa and Kansas”.
[civilwardailygazette.com/lee-doesnt-quite-admit-defeat-fremont-almost-responds/]
In 1863, CSA Gen John Bell Hood and Maj Gen William T Sherman embarrassed themselves. “From all indications, the prisoner exchange would be small, but it was something – especially for the 4,000 soldiers who would be swapped. “I agre upon the terms of your letter of the 12th to the exchange of the 2,000 prisoners captured by both armies,” wrote Confederate General John Bell Hood to William Tecumseh Sherman. But he had a grievence. Sherman wished to give back “the men captured in Atlanta who are soldiers of the Confederate Army,” but were on some sort of labor duty within the city.
“I can make no agreement to exchange, not knowing whether they are exempts, or what they are,” concluded Hood, “but for every many regularly in the C.S. service, whether detailed or not, I will exchange man for man.”
The place was set – Rough and Ready, outside of Atlanta, and Hood sent word to Andersonville prison to prepare to release the last 2,000 Union soldiers there received. Sherman did the same, sending to Chattanooga word of the exchange. The staff officers of the two generals would meet tomorrow to work out the details.
While this seemed amicable enough, there was a completely different conversation happening parallel to the one about prisoners. Sherman had seen the disadvantages that a disloyal population could bring to an army garrisoned within its city. It was because of this that he decided to evacuate Atlanta. Those loyal to the South were welcome to go south, those loyal to the North were welcome to go north. Nobody, however, could stay.
Sherman first proposed this idea on the 7th, and on the 9th Hood voiced his strong objection, stating that “the unprecedented measure you propose transcends, in studied and ingenious cruelty, all acts ever before brought to my attention in the dark history of war.”
In response, Sherman reminded Hood that “it is not unprecedented, for General Johnston himself, very wisely and properly, removed the families all the way from Dalton down, and I see no reason why Atlanta should be excepted.” He also argued that there was “no reason to appeal to the dark history of war when recent and modern examples are so handy.”
He also reminded Hood that he (Hood) had “burned dwellings along your parapet [in Atlanta], and I have seen today fifty houses that you have rendered uninhabitable because they stood in the way of yoru forts and men. You defended Atlanta on a line so close to town that every cannon shot and many musket shots from our line of investment that overshot their mark went into the habitations of women and children.”
Sherman put forward that it was “a kindness to these families of Atlanta to remove them now at once from scenes that women and children should not be exposed to, and the “brave people” should scorn to commit their wives and children to the rude barbarians who thus, as you say, violate the laws of war, as illustrated in the pages of its dark history.”
Sherman’s letter was biting, sarcastic and brilliantly written. Hood’s reply denied that Johnston did any such thing. “I feel no other emotion than pain in reading that portion of your letter which attempts to justify your shelling of Atlanta without notice….”
The conversation quickly devolved into an argument about politics and the reasons the war was started. God was also brought into things, as was white supremacy.
“You came into our country,” wrote Hood, “with your army avowedly for the purpose of subjugating free white men, women and children, and not only intend to rule over them, but you make negroes your allies and desire to place over us an inferior race, which we have raised from barbarism to its present position, which is the highest ever attained by that race in any country in all time.”
Sherman, in his previous letter, suggested that they simply “fight it out like men,” probably referring to the armies, but perhaps he wished to meet with Hood in the boxing ring. Hood seemed acquiescent. “To this my reply is, for myself, and, I believe, for all the true men, ay, and women and children in my country, we will fight you to the death. Better die a thousand deaths than submit to live under you or your Government and your negro allies.”
In between tirades, Hood suggested that such a discussion between two soliders was profitless, and Sherman heartily agreed. In his follow up letter, Sherman too placed the race card, telling Hood that “not a single negro soldier left Chattanooga with this army or is with it now.” This was Sherman’s design. Like Meade, and like the entire Confederate army he was fighting, Sherman wanted nothing at all to do with black soldiers.
But in the end, it was profitless. “This is the conclusion of our correspondence, which I did not begin,” wrote Sherman, “and terminate with satisfaction.”
No further letters would be exchanged between the two about such matters.”
[civilwardailygazette.com/we-will-fight-you-to-the-death-hood-and-sherman-embarrass-themselves/]
September 14, 1862 Battle of South Mountain
Garry Adelman is joined by former park ranger and Co-Founder of the American Battlefield Trust Dennis Frye as well as Tom Clemens from the Save Historic Antietam Foundation to break down the events at South Mountain on September 14, 1862 leading up to the Battle of Antietam
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JMIUASySaeY
Pictures: 1862-09-14 battle of South Mountain MD; 1861-09-14 Privateer CSS Judah burning; 1862-09-14 Battle of South Mountain CWT - Crampton’s Gap Map; 1862-09-14 South Mountain CWT Fox - Turner Map
A. 1861: The USS Colorado, commanded by Col. Harvey Brown, descended on the Pensacola, Florida navy yard. Braxton Bragg’s poorly trained Confederate force quickly left, leaving the Confederate privateer, Judah. Early in the morning, a force of nearly one hundred men made up from a mix of the Colorado’s crew and on-board Marines under the command of Lt. J.H. Russell, cast off in four longboats. The Colorado's men destroyed the Judah, and occupied the navy yard.
Marines from the first two boats successfully boarded the mostly deserted Judah and, under increasing danger from gunfire ashore, set her hull on fire. Marines from the third boat meanwhile, landed and spiked four, 10 in. Columbiad guns of the nearest shore battery manned by Confederate Marines of Co. B and commanded by Captain Alfred Van Benthuysen, before they too were forced back by sparodic gunfire.
B. 1862: Battle of South Mountain, Maryland. The Battle of South Mountain the first major battle fought north of the Potomac and it was there-and not at Antietam-where Lee’s first invasion of Union territory was initially met-and turned back. It was a daylong fight, spread out across many miles of rugged, mountainous terrain, as the two sides slugged it out for control of several key mountain passes. Total casualties exceeded 5,000 men, killed, wounded, or captured, a number comparable to those lost at First Bull Run. By day’s end, George McClellan and his Army of the Potomac emerged triumphant; their first major victory of the war. Conversely, and for the first time since he assumed army command three-and-a-half months earlier, Robert E. Lee suffered a serious battlefield defeat. That night, in ordering a retreat from the mountain, Lee also decided to bring an end to his invasion north. Lee’s retreat took him some eight miles westward across the Antietam Creek where he hoped to regain his lost initiative and score a victory on Union soil. As at South Mountain, however, here again Lee was defeated at the hands of McClellan and his victory-flushed Army of the Potomac.
C. 1863: Maj Gen William Rosecrans continued to concentrate his forces, as he had be trying to catch CSA General Braxton Bragg since he abandoned Chattanooga. Bragg for the last week had been trying to lure the Union Army into a full scale battle. By now General Rosecrans was just wanting to gather his troops together and go back to Chattanooga.
Braxton Bragg had twice let opportunities to strike a decisive blow slip through his fingers. It was due to insubordination and lack of his own clear and direct orders that both chances were gone. However, the Federal Army of the Cumberland, commanded by William Rosecrans, was still fragmented, while his own Confederate Army of Tennessee was to concentrate along Chickamauga Creek, outside of Chattanooga.
From all that Bragg knew from his headquarters at La Fayette, Rosecrans’ army was divided into three portions. To the north was Chattanooga. At least one division, but possibly an entire corps had come down and was threatening his left around Rock Spring. Across Pigeon Mountain to his front was another portion of the enemy’s force, again possibly a corps, resting in McLemore’s Cove. On Bragg’s left (to the south) was an entire corps, but he suspected the probability of two. All through the previous day (the 13th), he and D.H. Hill, whose troops occupied the La Fayette area, were constantly looking over their shoulders for an attack that never came.
In truth, there was a full corps at each of the mentioned locations, with Alexander McCook’s XX Corps to the south at Alpine. Rosecrans needed to concentrate his army, but getting McCook’s troops to join George Thomas’ XIV Corps at McLemore’s Cover would be no easy task. The problem was that General McCook still understood the Cover to be held by Bragg’s Confederates, when really it was held by Thomas’ Federals. Running from McCook’s position at Alpine to Thomas’ at McLemore’s was a small mountain road about fifteen miles in length. Since McCook believed that way to be blocked, he was instead left with a fifty-mile tramp that would force his corps to recross Lookout Mountain.
And so McCook’s men stepped off on the morning of the 13th, ready to march over three times as far as they actually needed. Oddly, General Thomas knew nothing of this road, either, and suggested on this date that McCook was on the right path. The only person who seemed to know about this shortcut was General Rosecrans, who didn’t bother to clue McCook in on it until the evening of this date. This little mistake would cost McCook’s Corps over two days of pointless marching.
D. 1864: Confederate cattle rustlers make plans to steal union cattle to feed the CSA forces at Petersburg. CSA General Robert E. Lee was in trouble since even the corn rations had run out for his men at Petersburg, Virginia, but CSA General Wade Hampton III had learned of 3,000 head of cattle on the James River at Coggin’s Point, just five miles away from Lt. General Ulysses S. Grant’s headquarters, which were lightly defended by only 120 Union soldiers and 30 civilians. Now with 3,000 Rebel troops following him, some of these men included “several certified Texas cattle thieves,” he figures on getting most of the cattle to Petersburg. He is now riding south of the cities, behind Union lines, and chooses to cross where the Cook’s Bridge over the Blackwater River once stood, knowing that an attack from there would be unexpected.
FYI PV2 Larry Sellnow SFC Ralph E Kelley MAJ (Join to see) MAJ (Join to see) CPT Jack Durish PO3 Edward Riddle Maj William W. 'Bill' Price COL (Join to see) SSgt David M.] SPC Maurice Evans SPC Jon O. SGT Jim ArnoldAmn Dale PreisachCW4 (Join to see) SSG (Join to see)LTC John Griscom LTC Thomas Tennant LTC David Brown LTC (Join to see)
Edited >1 y ago
Posted 8 y ago
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In 1861 Federal marines battled confederate marines at Pensacola, Florida. “in the early hours of September 14th, a force of nearly one hundred men made up from a mix of the Colorado’s crew and on-board Marines under the command of Lt. J.H. Russell, cast off in four longboats. Keeping mid water for much of their trip, the Federal force rowed quietly across the bay on towards Pensacola’s harbour.
“The Confederate lines at Pensacola stretched for four miles, from Fort McRee on the west, eastward towards Fort Barrancas and the navy yard. Guards manned three lookout points on the west side of the bay; but the small flotilla was not spotted until almost past the third position, nearest to the harbour. Raising the alarm, shots were exchanged between the guards and marines in the last boat. Two, possibly three Marines and an equal number of Confederate soldiers died in this first fire-fight; but in poor light these fatalities were more by misfortune than accurately aimed shots.
Taking advantage of the melee behind them, Marines from the first two boats successfully boarded the mostly deserted Judah and, under increasing danger from gunfire ashore, set her hull on fire. Marines from the third boat meanwhile, landed and spiked four, 10 in. Columbiad guns of the nearest shore battery manned by Confederate Marines of Co. B and commanded by Captain Alfred Van Benthuysen, before they too were forced back by sparodic gunfire.”
“Fire quickly took hold of the Judah’s newly pitched timbers and within the hour she had lost her mooring lines and drifted down towards the shore line near Fort Barrancas, eventually sinking some hundred yards from grounding. The raiding party from the USS Colorado returned safely to their ship in three boats, one having been lost during the raid. During this action which accounted for the Florida states’ first loss of life, casualty numbers are unreliable at best.”
In 1862 the Battle of Munfordville, Kentucky began which would end in Confederate victory on September 17.
In 1862, “Battle of South Mountain. Success on the fields of Second Manassas had made Robert E. Lee bold. In addition to advancing his army into Maryland, Lee divided his invasion force and sent a large portion of it to seize the Federal arsenal at Harpers Ferry. However, his opponent, Gen. George B. McClellan, was given a mislaid copy of one of Lee's orders that revealed the Virginian's plans and troop positions. Aware that a portion of Lee's army was now vulnerable to attack, McClellan advanced on South Mountain.
Only a small Confederate force under D.H. Hill protected Turner's and Fox's Gaps, two vital passes through the South Mountain range. Early on September 14, Gen. Jacob D. Cox's division of the Union Ninth Corps launched an attack against Samuel Garland's brigade at Fox's Gap. Cox's 3,000 Ohioans overran Garland's North Carolinians, driving the Southerners from behind a stone wall and mortally wounding Gen. Garland. With Fox's Gap now clear, Cox awaited reinforcements to further his gains.
Support, however, was not forthcoming. Despite having the strategic and numerical advantage over his opponent—or perhaps because of it—a spirit of leisure seemed to pervade McClellan's headquarters, where the commanding general determined to let his subordinates direct the unfolding battle. Making matters worse, the usually aggressive Ninth Corps head, Gen. Jesse L. Reno, was slow to send reinforcements to Fox's Gap, thus allowing additional troops from Gen. James Longstreet's command to shore up the Confederate positions on South Mountain. Gen. Ambrose Burnside, in turn, chose to wait for the arrival of Joseph Hooker's First Corps before making a concerted effort to seize the mountain passes. An uncoordinated Confederate counterattack foundered in the region's confusing thickets. By now, both sides had received reinforcements as the battle for control of South Mountain escalated.
While Union and Confederate commanders funneled troops into Fox's and Turner's Gaps, excessive caution plagued Gen. William B. Franklin's Federal Sixth Corps on its way to relieve the besieged garrison at Harpers Ferry. Roughly one thousand Confederates held Crampton's Gap, yet Franklin was convinced the Rebels were in strong enough force to delay the advance of his 12,000-man corps. Gen. Henry W. Slocum, however, felt differently. At around 4 p.m., Slocum's division of Maine, New Jersey, New York, and Pennsylvania troops charged headlong up the slope and into Crampton's Gap, dislodging the outnumbered Confederates from the protection of a stone fence. Even the arrival of two Georgia regiments under Howell Cobb did little to stem the Union tide. A second attack drove the remaining Confederates down the western slope of South Mountain, leaving the Sixth Corps in possession of Crampton's Gap. But with daylight fading and Confederate reinforcements forming in the distance, Franklin halted his column.
Meanwhile, at Turner's Gap, Hooker's corps had arrived on the field and Burnside was finally ready to launch a coordinated assault. At 4 p.m. — seven hours after the fighting began — Union divisions under generals George Meade and John P. Hatch made a relentless charge on the northern end of Turner's Gap. The brunt of the Federal onslaught fell upon the 1,200 men of Brig. Gen. Robert Rodes' brigade, whose regiments suffered severe casualties during the struggle. Meade's Pennsylvania Reserves' well-directed attack pressed the Confederate left flank while Hatch's troops advanced on their right. Only the timely arrival of reinforcements from Longstreet prevented the Confederate line from collapsing. After a brutal firefight along a cornfield fence, Hatch broke through the Rebel line but darkness prevented the capture of Turner's Gap.
Back at Fox's Gap, the reunited Ninth Corps mounted a separate effort to seize control of Turner's Gap but ran into stiff resistance from Confederate divisions under generals John B. Hood and D.H. Hill. Casualties mounted, among them Gen. Reno, who was shot down in almost the same spot as Samuel Garland had been that morning. A diversionary attack by Gen. John Gibbon's "Black Hat Brigade" produced only more bloodshed. As the sun set over South Mountain, the exhausted Confederates still maintained control of Turner's Gap.
Though Lee, Longstreet, and D.H. Hill agreed to abandon South Mountain before daylight on September 15, the bloody, day-long struggle bought the Confederate army valuable time to consolidate its position—and ready itself for the coming battle along Antietam Creek. McClellan had lost his best chance of destroying Lee's army in detail.”
http://www.civilwar.org/battlefields/south-mountain.html?tab=facts
Sunday, September 14, 1862: The Battles of South Mountain: The Day Has Gone Against Us. It was the Lord’s Day. In towns across the nation, church bells were ringing, calling believers to worship. Hymnals were opened and songs were sung, echoing through valleys, city streets, from atop hills, and over sparkling late summer streams. In thousands of villages, voices were raised and heads were bowed in reverence. Except here, along South Mountain in northern Maryland.
Captain Charles Russell of the 1st Maryland Cavalry, along with nine other Union troopers, had picked their way from besieged Harpers Ferry, through Confederate lines, until they finally crossed South Mountain and found General Jesse Reno, commanding the IX Corps of the Army of the Potomac. Dawn was just breaking when he delivered the news that the Federal garrison at Harpers Ferry could hold out for only two more days.
Reno gave Russell a fresh horse and sent him along to General McClellan’s headquarters in Frederick. McClellan was surprised to learn that Col. Dixon Miles, commanding the Union troops at the Ferry had abandoned the much more defensible heights surrounding the town. All was not lost, however, as McClellan had already sent General William Franklin’s Corps to rescue the garrison. McClellan gave Russell a note and sent him along to hurry Franklin forward.
It would take Captain Russell five hours to reach Franklin, who was, by then, engaged in a pitched battle just west of Burkittsville.
McClellan’s orders for Franklin were simple (though fairly impossible). He was to “cut off, destroy or capture [Confederate General Lafayette] McLaws’ command & relieve Col. Miles” at Harpers Ferry. Once accomplished, he was to head northeast to cut off the main Confederate army’s line of retreat. McClellan wanted to “cut the enemy in two and beat him in detail.”
The orders for the rest of the army, however, were muddled. He believed that all of the Rebels not around Harpers Ferry were in Boonsboro. He was mistaken. Between his lead troops and Boonsboro was South Mountain. Two passes led over the range – Turner’s Gap to the north and Fox’s Gap to the south. They might be guarded, he thought, but not defended.
At dawn, a single brigade and a cavalry probe headed towards Turner’s Gap under the direction of General Jacob Cox. Along the way, he heard from a paroled Union prisoner that the Gap before them was indeed defended. Cox then decided to outflank the Rebels by using Fox’s Gap. When he marched there, however, he found that also heavily defended. Around 9am, the fighting turned heavy and then vicious, as the adversaries fixed bayonets. In hand-to-hand melee, they charged and countercharged across fields and meadows, through thickets and woods. Cox’s men, mostly from Ohio, overpowered the unexpected Confederates, commanded by D.H. Hill, holding Fox’s Gap. The fight, however, was far from over.
During the lull that ensued after Cox drove the Rebels from Fox’s Gap, General James Longstreet, commanding the Confederates in Hagerstown and Boonsboro, hurried back reinforcements to hold South Mountain. Cox, on the other hand, waited for reinforcements of his own. In the early afternoon, General Ambrose Burnside, commanding the Union right wing (I and IX Corps) finally showed up. With him came a brigade of reinforcements for Cox, but wanted to wait until the I Corps could be put into position so that Tuner’s Gap and Fox’s Gap could be assailed simultaneously. Around 3:30 in the afternoon, all was ready. Burnside had arrayed his 28,000 men against roughly 10,000 Rebels.
Around the same time that Burnside finally let loose his troops, General Franklin at Crampton’s Gap near Burkittsville was in the thick of it with his 12,000 men.
When heading west from the usually quaint village of Burkittsville, Maryland, the traveler finds a main road through a passage named Crampton’s Gap. A few miles to the south was the lesser-used Brownsville Gap. Confederate General McLaws had placed a small force of 1,000 or so to guard the passes, while the rest of his force assaulted Harpers Ferry.
Franklin had arrived in town at noon, but took an inexplicable three hours to ready his men for battle. During that time, the Confederates were able to double their numbers while watching the blue lines grow longer. Much of the time was spent by Franklin trying to suss out the enemy position.
Franklin received a dispatch from McClellan around 2pm that left him an out. While he was ordered to “carry Burkittsville at any cost” (which he already held), he was also instructed that if he found the Rebels “in too great a force at the pass let me know at once, and amuse them as best you can so as to retain them there.” McClellan then promised to throw the rest of the Army of the Potomac upon Crampton’s Gap.
Unsure of what was before him, he cautiously advanced his troops while the artillery boomed overhead. Within minutes, the troops were fully engaged. The smoke of battle clung in the dense forests and, with the sun dipping behind South Mountain, Franklin could no longer see the action.
After an hour of fighting, he reported back to General McClellan that Crampton’s Gap was too heavily defended to carry without reinforcements. But Franklin was merely being pessimistic. His troops, their dander already up, carried Crampton’s Gap.
While the fighting developed at Crampton’s it raged with a relentless fury at Fox’s and Turner’s. As Longstreet’s reinforcements came up, filing into Fox’s Gap, they attacked, throwing the Federals under Jesse Reno back on their heels. The Confederates attempted to flank the Union left, but quick thinking by General Cox stymied their advance.
Ambrose Burnside, commanding the Federals at both gaps, then ordered a general assault. On the Union right, just north of Turner’s Gap, General Joe Hooker’s I Corps hit the Rebels hard. But they held their ground against overwhelming numbers and managed a counterattack before being smashed by a Federal volley. Hooker’s men advanced and drove the Rebels back, taking the contested high ground.
While Cox’s men at Fox’s Gap and Hooker’s north of Turner’s Gap were engaged, Burnside threw the Iron Brigade, commanded by John Gibbon, up the National Road to Turner’s Gap itself. There, the Rebels stuck and Gibbon could do little more than hold his ground, while his men fired away at the enemy.
Back at Fox’s Gap, with light growing dim, General Jesse Reno was trying to figure out why his IX Corps wasn’t following up their victory by chasing the retreating Rebels. There seemed to be a lull that fell over the field, but soon, Reno heard Confederate troops advancing on his front. He called up a regiment to throw forward skirmishers.
As they advanced, Reno squinted through field glasses towards a darkened tree line, trying to determine if the Rebels were actually there. Then, piercing the dim air, muzzles flashed and General Reno fell to the ground, several bullets tearing through his chest.
A stretcher was quickly found and he was taken to the foot of the mountain. “Hello Sam,” said the weakened Jesse Reno to his friend, General Samuel Sturgis – they had graduated West Point together. “I’m dead.”
“Oh no, General. Not as bad as that, I hope,” replied General Sturgis.
“Yes, yes. It is all up with me. I am dead. Good-bye.” And the life left the body of Jesse Reno.
Though Crampton’s Gap and Fox’s Gap had fallen, the Confederates still held Turner’s Gap. But General Lee knew they had to leave. This sudden attack was out of character for General McClellan. What Lee, of course, did not know was that McClellan learned of Lee’s plans for the campaign with the capture of Special Orders No. 191.
With his army scattered across the countryside, Lee realized that he would have to abandon his strike into the heart of Pennsylvania. That night, General Lee sent a dispatch to General McLaws, surrounding Harpers Ferry.
“The day has gone against us and this army will go by Sharpsburg and cross the river.”
Though the day was not his, the battles at South Mountain gave Lee twenty-four hours to gather his army. Had the Gaps not been held, McClellan might have fallen upon Lee’s divided command.
The casualties: At Turner’s Gap, the Federals lost 933, while at Fox’s Gap, they lost 858. At Crampton’s Gap, the Federals lost 538. The Confederates never tallied their dead, but it’s assumed they lost roughly 2,300 at Turner’s and Fox’s Gaps, and, perhaps 1,000 at Crampton’s.”
http://civilwardailygazette.com/the-battles-of-south-mountain-the-day-has-gone-against-us/
Monday, September 14, 1863: Rumors, misinformation, and misdirection in the mountains along Chickamauga Creek. Braxton Bragg had twice let opportunities to strike a decisive blow slip through his fingers. It was due to insubordination and lack of his own clear and direct orders that both chances were gone. However, the Federal Army of the Cumberland, commanded by William Rosecrans, was still fragmented, while his own Confederate Army of Tennessee had been able to concentrate along Chickamauga Creek, outside of Chattanooga.
But Bragg had become lost and confused. According to corps commander D.H. Hill, Bragg was bewildered by “the popping out of the rats from so many holes.” One advantage to having a fractured and scattered army was that they seemed to be everywhere at once.
From all that Bragg knew from his headquarters at La Fayette, Rosecrans’ army was divided into three portions. To the north was Chattanooga. At least one division, but possibly an entire corps had come down and was threatening his left around Rock Spring. Across Pigeon Mountain to his front was another portion of the enemy’s force, again possibly a corps, resting in McLemore’s Cove. On Bragg’s left (to the south) was an entire corps, but he suspected the probability of two. All through the previous day (the 13th), he and D.H. Hill, whose troops occupied the La Fayette area, were constantly looking over their shoulders for an attack that never came.
In truth, there was a full corps at each of the mentioned locations, with Alexander McCook’s XX Corps to the south at Alpine. Rosecrans needed to concentrate his army, but getting McCook’s troops to join George Thomas’ XIV Corps at McLemore’s Cover would be no easy task. The problem was that General McCook still understood the Cover to be held by Bragg’s Confederates, when really it was held by Thomas’ Federals. Running from McCook’s position at Alpine to Thomas’ at McLemore’s was a small mountain road about fifteen miles in length. Since McCook believed that way to be blocked, he was instead left with a fifty mile tramp that would force his corps to recross Lookout Mountain.
And so McCook’s men stepped off on the morning of the 13th, ready to march over three times as far as they actually needed. Oddly, General Thomas knew nothing of this road, either, and suggested on this date that McCook was on the right path. The only person who seemed to know about this shortcut was General Rosecrans, who didn’t bother to clue McCook in on it until the evening of this date. This little mistake would cost McCook’s Corps over two days of pointless marching.
Things were looking only slightly better for Bragg. Though his army was concentrated, he believed himself to be outnumbered. And though he had received reinforcements, he had no concrete evidence that James Longstreet’s Corps from Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia was on their way to him. On the 13th, he heard some rumors of eastern troops on trains arriving in Atlanta, 100 miles to the south, but he had no idea who they were or where they were going (though he probably assumed they were going to him). He wouldn’t know anything for sure until the 15th.
The truth to the rumors was this. Longstreet was en route with two of his divisions, under Lafayette McLaws and John Bell Hook. One of Hood’s brigades had arrived in Atlanta on the 12th, but was in no shape to leave for want of food and shoes until this date. The rest of the troops, including the artillery, were still somewhere in the Carolinas, and were still five days away from Bragg’s Army.
McCook: So, you couldn't have told me about the short cut? You don't expect me to reconnoiter my own ground, do you?
McCook: So, you couldn’t have told me about the short cut? You don’t expect me to reconnoiter my own ground, do you?
Another huge concern for Bragg was Ambrose Burnside’s Army of the Ohio, which had numbered 25,000 at Knoxville, but was currently at large. His fear had been that Burnside would link up with Rosecrans and together crush his Confederate forces. In this, Bragg had a bit to worry about.
Blocking the way, he had left about 2,500 troops, but they had surrendered on the 9th. On this date, Bragg was still unaware of this development and so had a small pillow of false hope to comfort him. While Burnside’s Army was nothing at which to sneeze, Bragg had but little to worry about. On the 13th and on this day, General-in-Chief Henry Halleck had finally ordered Burnside to join with Rosecrans at Chattanooga. Due to any number of factors, Burnside wouldn’t receive the orders until the 17th. It had already been days since anyone had heard from him, and several more would pass before any news would come.
http://civilwardailygazette.com/rumors-misinformation-and-misdirection-in-the-mountains-along-chickamauga-creek/
Below are several journal entries from 1861, 1862 and 1863 which shed light on what life was like for soldiers and civilians – the good, the bad and the ugly. In 1861, General Joseph E. Johnston was mad that he was only ranked fourth out of the five CSA generals. In 1862, President Abraham Lincoln wrote a reply to a delegation of clergymen from Chicago who had sent a written Memorial to urge him forward on the Emancipation question.
Saturday, September,14, 1861: Hardeman County plantation owner/ planter, merchant, and civic leader, John Houston Bills (The Pillars) wrote in his dairy: “Major Thomas Hardeman died in a hospital in Knoxville this morning as we learn by telegraph. We order his body here for burial.” Meanwhile, Fremont organizes 38,000 troops to relieve Mulligan at Lexington, Missouri. Confederate President Jefferson Davis receives a complaint from General Joseph E. Johnston about the ranking of Confederate generals. Johnston's hurt pride will cause friction between him and Davis during the War.
Saturday, September,14, 1861: President Davis replied to General Joseph E. Johnston, commander of the Confederate Army of the Potomac who was furious over being ranked as the fourth highest General in the Confederate States Army. He felt, giving his victory at Bull Run, that he should be first. This and more was conveyed to President Davis in an irate letter. At first, the General thought better and did not send it. After two more days of brooding, however, he made sure that it was read by the President.
Of the long, emotional and rambling letter, Davis had little to say: “I have just received and read your letter of the 12th instant. Its language is, as you say, unusual; its arguments and statements utterly one sided, and its insinuations as unfounded as they are unbecoming.”
The rankings deeply hurt Johnston, who couldn’t even bring himself to reply to Davis’s letter. The two never spoke of it to each other again, but their relationship was permanently damaged.
Sunday, September 14, 1862: Pres. Lincoln writes a reply to a delegation of clergymen from Chicago who have sent a written Memorial to urge him forward on the Emancipation question: “September 13,1862. The subject presented in the memorial is one upon which I have thought much for weeks past, and I may even say for months. I am approached with the most opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious men, who are equally certain that they represent the Divine will. I am sure that either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and perhaps in some respects both. I hope it will not be irreverent for me to say that if it is probable that God would reveal his will to others, on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed he would reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter. And if I can learn what it is I will do it! These are not, however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect a direct revelation. I must study the plain physical facts of the case, ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and right. . . .
Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? Understand, I raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds; for, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time of war I suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy; nor do I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of insurrection and massacre at the South. I view this matter as a practical war measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion. . . . I admit that slavery is the root of the rebellion, or at least its sine qua non. The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to act, but they would have been impotent without slavery as their instrument. I will also concede that emancipation would help us in Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more than ambition. I grant, further, that it would help somewhat at the North, though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine. Still, some additional strength would be added in that way to the war, and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the rebels by drawing off their laborers, which is of great importance; but I am not so sure we could do much with the blacks. . . .
Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned these objections. They indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in some such way as you desire. I have not decided against a proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement; and I can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, more than any other. Whatever shall appear to be God’s will, I will do. I trust that in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views I have not in any respect injured your feelings.”
Monday, September 14, 1863: Chickamauga Campaign: Maj. Gen. Thomas L. Crittenden, commanding one of Rosecrans’ corps, is near Lee and Gordon Mills, in the Chickamauga Valley. This letter of his to Rosecrans’ HQ reveals Crittenden’s nearly complete lack of information on the whereabouts of the Confederates, and his lack of awareness how vulnerable he is, not being in touch with any other corps of the army. One blog speculates that the reason he “feels” no enemy in front of him is that Bragg is holding back until Longstreet’s divisions from Lee’s army can join him, before he will strike: “HEADQUARTERS TWENTY-FIRST ARMY CORPS, Gordon's Mills, September 14, 1863-12.30 p. m. Brigadier General J. A. GARFIELD: I have this moment returned from the front. I am confident that there is no considerable force of infantry near me at this time. My reconnaissance to the front proves that there is none in that direction as far out as 5 miles. The firing which Oldershaw thought was from Wilder's, was from Van Cleve's front, mostly from two rebel guns. Van Cleve has not reported, but I am satisfied they are not about to attack me here to-day. Indeed, I think I can whip them if they do-all of them. We are, I think, in a position that they can turn, but I also think they dare not pass me. If they should I can join General Thomas, or rather he can join me, and our army get together here or at La Fayette. But this is mere speculation. I don't think they will come.
As there is no force of ours at Ringgold, had you not better order Minty, if he is near you, to leave some force at Rossville? I am afraid cavalry may come in from toward Ringgold, and cut off my communication. I will send you dispatch as soon as I get detailed report from my different reconnaissances.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, T. L. CRITTENDEN, Major-General, Commanding.”
Monday, September 14, 1863: The New York Times reports on the new laws concerning the military draft, and the responsibilities of the drafted man: “DECISIONS RESPECTING THE DRAFT. It has been decided that, under the thirteenth section of the Enrollment act, a party drafted, and wishing to furnish a substitute, or pay commutation, must do so on or before the day fixed for his appearance. The privilege expires with that day. If he fails to report, and is arrested as a deserter, he has a right to go before the Board of Eurollment, and prove that he is not liable to do military duty. If held to be liable, he cannot escape personal service. Also, under such circumstances, he is subject to be proceeded against as a deserter. …”
Monday, September 14, 1863: William H. Battle, of Chapel Hill, North Carolina, writes to his son abouit the death of another son in the army: “Chapel Hill, Sept. 14th 1863. My Dear Kemp I received your letter yesterday morning. It brought the pleasing intelligence that Patty and the children had borne the ride well, and that Raleigh was once more quiet. Along with your letter came another of a very different import. The letter came to your mother by flag of truce, and brought the heartrending news that another one of my children had fallen victim to this cruel war. You can well imagine what a terrible blow it is to us all. Your mother is nearly heartbroken, but she will bear it like a Christian as she is. Time and the consolation of religion will, I trust and believe, soften while it sanctifies the affliction, but the bright smile which in your childhood, you so often see on her face, will, I fear, never be seen there again. I send you a full copy of the letter as I know every word will be deeply interesting to you. We do not know the writer, but his letter bespeaks him a good Christian. We shall ask Mrs. Spencer to write a suitable obituary. She loved Lewis and no doubt will do justice to the subject. Mr. W.H. Battle”
Pictures: 1862-09-14 Mortal wounding of CSA Brigadier General Samuel Garland at South Mountain; 1861-09 Confederate troops man Columbiad guns at the Pensacola Navy Yard; 1862-09-14 raiding party of Union sailors and marines casts off after setting fire to the Confederate Privateer Judah; 1864-09 Great Beefsteak Raid
A. Saturday, September 14, 1861: Pensacola, Florida. The USS Colorado, commanded by Col. Harvey Brown, descended on the Pensacola, Florida navy yard. The local Confederate force quickly left, leaving the Confederate privateer, Judah. The Colorado's men destroyed the Judah, and occupied the navy yard.
Background: Union spies naturally reported the arrival of the Judah but upon learning the Confederates planned to convert the ship into an armed privateer, urged that a force of Federal vessels be sent with the prime mission of destroying the Judah before her outfitting could be completed.
in the early hours of September 14th, a force of nearly one hundred men made up from a mix of the Colorado’s crew and on-board Marines under the command of Lt. J.H. Russell, cast off in four longboats. Keeping mid water for much of their trip, the Federal force rowed quietly across the bay on towards Pensacola’s harbour.
The Confederate forces under the command of General Braxton Bragg, numbered several thousand. They were fresh troops but as yet, poorly trained. The Confederate lines stretched for four miles, from Fort McRee on the west, eastward towards Fort Barrancas and the navy yard. Guards manned three lookout points on the west side of the bay; but the small flotilla was not spotted until almost past the third position, nearest to the harbour. Raising the alarm, shots were exchanged between the guards and marines in the last boat. Two, possibly three Marines and an equal number of Confederate soldiers died in this first fire-fight; but in poor light these fatalities were more by misfortune than accurately aimed shots.
Taking advantage of the melee behind them, Marines from the first two boats successfully boarded the mostly deserted Judah and, under increasing danger from gunfire ashore, set her hull on fire. Marines from the third boat meanwhile, landed and spiked four, 10 in. Columbiad guns of the nearest shore battery manned by Confederate Marines of Co. B and commanded by Captain Alfred Van Benthuysen, before they too were forced back by sparodic gunfire.
B. Sunday, September 14, 1862: Battle of South Mountain, Maryland. Battle of South Mountain was in itself a battle of great importance and profound consequence. It was the first major battle fought north of the Potomac and it was there-and not at Antietam-where Lee’s first invasion of Union territory was initially met-and turned back. It was a daylong fight, spread out across many miles of rugged, mountainous terrain, as the two sides slugged it out for control of several key mountain passes. Total casualties exceeded 5,000 men, killed, wounded, or captured, a number comparable to those lost at First Bull Run. By day’s end, George McClellan and his Army of the Potomac emerged triumphant; their first major victory of the war. Conversely, and for the first time since he assumed army command three-and-a-half months earlier, Robert E. Lee suffered a serious battlefield defeat. That night, in ordering a retreat from the mountain, Lee also decided to bring an end to his invasion north. Lee’s retreat took him some eight miles westward across the Antietam Creek where he hoped to regain his lost initiative and score a victory on Union soil. As at South Mountain, however, here again Lee was defeated at the hands of McClellan and his victory-flushed Army of the Potomac.
C. Monday, September 14, 1863: Maj Gen William Rosecrans continued to concentrate his forces, as he had be trying to catch CSA General Braxton Bragg since he abandoned Chattanooga. Bragg for the last week had been trying to lure the Union Army into a full scale battle. By now General Rosecrans was just wanting to gather his troops together and go back to Chattanooga.
Braxton Bragg had twice let opportunities to strike a decisive blow slip through his fingers. It was due to insubordination and lack of his own clear and direct orders that both chances were gone. However, the Federal Army of the Cumberland, commanded by William Rosecrans, was still fragmented, while his own Confederate Army of Tennessee had been able to concentrate along Chickamauga Creek, outside of Chattanooga.
But Bragg had become lost and confused. According to corps commander D.H. Hill, Bragg was bewildered by “the popping out of the rats from so many holes.” One advantage to having a fractured and scattered army was that they seemed to be everywhere at once.
From all that Bragg knew from his headquarters at La Fayette, Rosecrans’ army was divided into three portions. To the north was Chattanooga. At least one division, but possibly an entire corps had come down and was threatening his left around Rock Spring. Across Pigeon Mountain to his front was another portion of the enemy’s force, again possibly a corps, resting in McLemore’s Cove. On Bragg’s left (to the south) was an entire corps, but he suspected the probability of two. All through the previous day (the 13th), he and D.H. Hill, whose troops occupied the La Fayette area, were constantly looking over their shoulders for an attack that never came.
In truth, there was a full corps at each of the mentioned locations, with Alexander McCook’s XX Corps to the south at Alpine. Rosecrans needed to concentrate his army, but getting McCook’s troops to join George Thomas’ XIV Corps at McLemore’s Cover would be no easy task. The problem was that General McCook still understood the Cover to be held by Bragg’s Confederates, when really it was held by Thomas’ Federals. Running from McCook’s position at Alpine to Thomas’ at McLemore’s was a small mountain road about fifteen miles in length. Since McCook believed that way to be blocked, he was instead left with a fifty mile tramp that would force his corps to recross Lookout Mountain.
And so McCook’s men stepped off on the morning of the 13th, ready to march over three times as far as they actually needed. Oddly, General Thomas knew nothing of this road, either, and suggested on this date that McCook was on the right path. The only person who seemed to know about this shortcut was General Rosecrans, who didn’t bother to clue McCook in on it until the evening of this date. This little mistake would cost McCook’s Corps over two days of pointless marching.
D. Wednesday, September 14, 1864: CSA General Robert E. Lee was in trouble since even the corn rations had run out for his men at Petersburg, Virginia, but CSA General Wade Hampton III had learned of 3,000 head of cattle on the James River at Coggin’s Point, just five miles away from Lt. General Ulysses S. Grant’s headquarters, which were lightly defended by only 120 Union soldiers and 30 civilians. Now with 3,000 Rebel troops following him, some of these men included “several certified Texas cattle thieves,” he figures on getting most of the cattle to Petersburg. He is now riding south of the cities, behind Union lines, and chooses to cross where the Cook’s Bridge over the Blackwater River once stood, knowing that an attack from there would be unexpected.
1. Saturday, September,14, 1861: Hardeman County plantation owner/ planter, merchant, and civic leader, John Houston Bills (The Pillars) wrote in his dairy: “Major Thomas Hardeman died in a hospital in Knoxville this morning as we learn by telegraph. We order his body here for burial.” Meanwhile, Fremont organizes 38,000 troops to relieve Mulligan at Lexington, Missouri. Confederate President Jefferson Davis receives a complaint from General Joseph E. Johnston about the ranking of Confederate generals. Johnston's hurt pride will cause friction between him and Davis during the War.
https://sites.google.com/site/civilwarhardemancotn/departments/department-a/part-twenty-two
2. Saturday, September,14, 1861: President Davis replied to General Joseph E. Johnston, commander of the Confederate Army of the Potomac who was furious over being ranked as the fourth highest General in the Confederate States Army. He felt, giving his victory at Bull Run, that he should be first. This and more was conveyed to President Davis in an irate letter. At first, the General thought better and did not send it. After two more days of brooding, however, he made sure that it was read by the President.
Of the long, emotional and rambling letter, Davis had little to say: “I have just received and read your letter of the 12th instant. Its language is, as you say, unusual; its arguments and statements utterly one sided, and its insinuations as unfounded as they are unbecoming.”
The rankings deeply hurt Johnston, who couldn’t even bring himself to reply to Davis’s letter. The two never spoke of it to each other again, but their relationship was permanently damaged.
http://civilwardailygazette.com/lee-doesnt-quite-admit-defeat-fremont-almost-responds/
3. Sunday, September 14, 1862: Brigadier General Samuel Garland [CS] is mortally wounded during the Battle of Fox's Gap, Maryland - dying later that day. Later that day, Major General Jesse Reno [US] is also mortally wounded a few feet from the spot where Garland fell.
http://blueandgraytrail.com/year/186209
4. Sunday, September 14, 1862: 14-17, 1862: Battle of Munfordville, Kentucky. After being initially repulsed by a federal garrison of 4,000, Braxton Bragg [CS] laid a brief siege. Federals surrendered on the 17th.
http://blueandgraytrail.com/year/186209
5. Sunday, September 14, 1862: Battle of Turners Gap, Battle of Fox's Gap, Battle of South Mountain, Battle of Cramptons Gap. George McClellan reacts to finding Special Order No. 191 with attacks on the gaps in South Mountain, forcing Lee to reorganize at Sharpsburg, Maryland
http://blueandgraytrail.com/year/186209
6. Sunday, September 14, 1862: Battle of Harper’s Ferry, Day 2 - Still locked up firmly in the riverside railroad town, Col. Dixon Miles wonders what to do, since it appears that any Federal rescue will not come soon. Jackson finishes placing all of his larger guns, and opens fire at 1:00 PM. Col. B.F. Davis, of the 12th Illinois Cavalry, takes his regiment and a few other mounted units across the Potomac, and escapes without being discovered. As Davis’s brigade rides, they come across the wagon train of Longstreets’ corps; through a ruse, they trick the teamsters to follow them, where the entire train of over 40 wagons is driven into Union lines—the first major exploit of the Union cavalry in the Eastern Theater.
http://civilwarsesquicentdaily-wolfshield.blogspot.com/search?q=September+14%2C+1862
7. Sunday, September 14, 1862: Western Theater: Gen. Buell finally makes a commitment to pursue Bragg and the invading Confederates up into Kentucky. Buell leaves one division in Nashville, and marches north.
http://civilwarsesquicentdaily-wolfshield.blogspot.com/search?q=September+14%2C+1862
8. Sunday, September 14, 1862: Western Theater, Mississippi Campaign - Iuka. Gen. Sterling Price and his Army of the West (C.S.) advances on Iuka, Mississippi, and finds that the negligible Union force there is unwilling to contest matters. The Yankees pull out and burn what supplies they can.. Price’s troops occupy the city, and put the fire out.
http://civilwarsesquicentdaily-wolfshield.blogspot.com/search?q=September+14%2C+1862
9. Sunday, September 14, 1862: Robert E. Lee’s (CSA) knew one copy of his “Special Order 191”, directing his next move was lost, but the odds of someone finding it was slim. Slim or not, a couple Union soldiers did find the orders. Lee had split his army on two paths. Stonewall Jackson was headed to Harpers Ferry, while Lee was making his way toward Hagerstown, MD. The North, with the knowledge of where Lee was and where he was heading, made a series of attacks on the Confederates at South Mountain in MD.
https://sites.google.com/site/civilwarhardemancotn/departments/department-b/part-seventy-five
10. Sunday, September 14, 1862: Pres. Lincoln writes a reply to a delegation of clergymen from Chicago who have sent a written Memorial to urge him forward on the Emancipation question: “September 13,1862. The subject presented in the memorial is one upon which I have thought much for weeks past, and I may even say for months. I am approached with the most opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious men, who are equally certain that they represent the Divine will. I am sure that either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and perhaps in some respects both. I hope it will not be irreverent for me to say that if it is probable that God would reveal his will to others, on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed he would reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter. And if I can learn what it is I will do it! These are not, however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect a direct revelation. I must study the plain physical facts of the case, ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and right. . . .
Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? Understand, I raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds; for, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time of war I suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy; nor do I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of insurrection and massacre at the South. I view this matter as a practical war measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion. . . . I admit that slavery is the root of the rebellion, or at least its sine qua non. The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to act, but they would have been impotent without slavery as their instrument. I will also concede that emancipation would help us in Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more than ambition. I grant, further, that it would help somewhat at the North, though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine. Still, some additional strength would be added in that way to the war, and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the rebels by drawing off their laborers, which is of great importance; but I am not so sure we could do much with the blacks. . . .
Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned these objections. They indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in some such way as you desire. I have not decided against a proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement; and I can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, more than any other. Whatever shall appear to be God’s will, I will do. I trust that in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views I have not in any respect injured your feelings.”
http://civilwarsesquicentdaily-wolfshield.blogspot.com/search?q=September+14%2C+1862
11. Monday, September 14, 1863: Chickamauga Campaign: Maj. Gen. Thomas L. Crittenden, commanding one of Rosecrans’ corps, is near Lee and Gordon Mills, in the Chickamauga Valley. This letter of his to Rosecrans’ HQ reveals Crittenden’s nearly complete lack of information on the whereabouts of the Confederates, and his lack of awareness how vulnerable he is, not being in touch with any other corps of the army. One blog speculates that the reason he “feels” no enemy in front of him is that Bragg is holding back until Longstreet’s divisions from Lee’s army can join him, before he will strike: “HEADQUARTERS TWENTY-FIRST ARMY CORPS, Gordon's Mills, September 14, 1863-12.30 p. m. Brigadier General J. A. GARFIELD: I have this moment returned from the front. I am confident that there is no considerable force of infantry near me at this time. My reconnaissance to the front proves that there is none in that direction as far out as 5 miles. The firing which Oldershaw thought was from Wilder's, was from Van Cleve's front, mostly from two rebel guns. Van Cleve has not reported, but I am satisfied they are not about to attack me here to-day. Indeed, I think I can whip them if they do-all of them. We are, I think, in a position that they can turn, but I also think they dare not pass me. If they should I can join General Thomas, or rather he can join me, and our army get together here or at La Fayette. But this is mere speculation. I don't think they will come.
As there is no force of ours at Ringgold, had you not better order Minty, if he is near you, to leave some force at Rossville? I am afraid cavalry may come in from toward Ringgold, and cut off my communication. I will send you dispatch as soon as I get detailed report from my different reconnaissances.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, T. L. CRITTENDEN, Major-General, Commanding.”
http://civilwarsesquicentdaily-wolfshield.blogspot.com/search?q=September+14%2C+1863
12. Monday, September 14, 1863: The New York Times reports on the new laws concerning the military draft, and the responsibilities of the drafted man: “DECISIONS RESPECTING THE DRAFT. It has been decided that, under the thirteenth section of the Enrollment act, a party drafted, and wishing to furnish a substitute, or pay commutation, must do so on or before the day fixed for his appearance. The privilege expires with that day. If he fails to report, and is arrested as a deserter, he has a right to go before the Board of Eurollment, and prove that he is not liable to do military duty. If held to be liable, he cannot escape personal service. Also, under such circumstances, he is subject to be proceeded against as a deserter. …”
http://civilwarsesquicentdaily-wolfshield.blogspot.com/search?q=September+14%2C+1863
13. Monday, September 14, 1863: William H. Battle, of Chapel Hill, North Carolina, writes to his son abouit the death of another son in the army: “Chapel Hill, Sept. 14th 1863. My Dear Kemp I received your letter yesterday morning. It brought the pleasing intelligence that Patty and the children had borne the ride well, and that Raleigh was once more quiet. Along with your letter came another of a very different import. The letter came to your mother by flag of truce, and brought the heartrending news that another one of my children had fallen victim to this cruel war. You can well imagine what a terrible blow it is to us all. Your mother is nearly heartbroken, but she will bear it like a Christian as she is. Time and the consolation of religion will, I trust and believe, soften while it sanctifies the affliction, but the bright smile which in your childhood, you so often see on her face, will, I fear, never be seen there again. I send you a full copy of the letter as I know every word will be deeply interesting to you. We do not know the writer, but his letter bespeaks him a good Christian. We shall ask Mrs. Spencer to write a suitable obituary. She loved Lewis and no doubt will do justice to the subject. Mr. W.H. Battle”
http://civilwarsesquicentdaily-wolfshield.blogspot.com/search?q=September+14%2C+1863
14. Wednesday, September 14, 1864: Fighting breaks out at Berryville, Virginia, as Lieut. General Richard H. Anderson (CSA) and his army corps leaves for the siege lines at Petersburg. This is depleting Lieut. General Jubal Early (CSA) of much needed men.
https://sites.google.com/site/civilwarhardemancotn/departments/1864/week-179
A Saturday, September 14, 1861: Pensacola, Florida - On September 14, the USS Colorado, commanded by Col. Harvey Brown, descended on the Pensacola navy yard. The local Confederate force quickly left, leaving the Confederate privateer, Judah. The Colorado's men destroyed the Judah, and occupied the navy yard.
http://www.mycivilwar.com/battles/1861s.html
Saturday, September 14, 1861: Pensacola, Florida. U.S.S. Colorado versus the Judah. “The 250-ton, William H. Judah an elegant, two-mast schooner, was built c.1859. In early September 1861, the new Confederacy contracted with the ‘Judah & LeBaron Company’ for the use of the Judah over an indefinite period to carry essential cargo. ‘Judah & LeBaron’ were sympathetic and apparently obviated the usual guarantees associated with any indeterminate hire. Under the command of Confederate officers, the Judah sailed from St. John, New Brunswick in Canada, to Pensacola, Florida with a mixed load of mercury, tin, and lead ingots valued at some $40,000, subsequently running the Union blockade and reaching Pensacola with her cargo intact.
Union spies naturally reported the arrival of the Judah but upon learning the Confederates planned to convert the ship into an armed privateer, urged that a force of Federal vessels be sent with the prime mission of destroying the Judah before her outfitting could be completed.
The USS Colorado, a three-mast steam, screw frigate named after the twisting Colorado River had been launched at the Gosport Navy Yard on June 19, 1856. The 3400-ton Colorado was Commodore William Marvine's flagship in the establishment of the Mexican Gulf Blockade in 1861, her 40 guns a Federal asset in starving out the insurgent Confederates from Key West to the Rio Grande. One Ernest White, a specialist in ship construction and employed as a spy by the Federal government and knowing the detail of the Colorado's available position and manpower, devised a scheme to use the Colorado’s longboats, and under cover of night, slip past the Confederate guards and destroy or severely disable the Judah at her berth.
After some delay White’s plan was eventually approved and in the early hours of September 14th, a force of nearly one hundred men made up from a mix of the Colorado’s crew and on-board Marines under the command of Lt. J.H. Russell, cast off in four longboats. Keeping mid water for much of their trip, the Federal force rowed quietly across the bay on towards Pensacola’s harbour.
The Confederate forces under the command of General Braxton Bragg, numbered several thousand. They were fresh troops but as yet, poorly trained. The Confederate lines stretched for four miles, from Fort McRee on the west, eastward towards Fort Barrancas and the navy yard. Guards manned three lookout points on the west side of the bay; but the small flotilla was not spotted until almost past the third position, nearest to the harbour. Raising the alarm, shots were exchanged between the guards and marines in the last boat. Two, possibly three Marines and an equal number of Confederate soldiers died in this first fire-fight; but in poor light these fatalities were more by misfortune than accurately aimed shots.
Taking advantage of the melee behind them, Marines from the first two boats successfully boarded the mostly deserted Judah and, under increasing danger from gunfire ashore, set her hull on fire. Marines from the third boat meanwhile, landed and spiked four, 10 in. Columbiad guns of the nearest shore battery manned by Confederate Marines of Co. B and commanded by Captain Alfred Van Benthuysen, before they too were forced back by sparodic gunfire.
Fire quickly took hold of the Judah’s newly pitched timbers and within the hour she had lost her mooring lines and drifted down towards the shore line near Fort Barrancas, eventually sinking some hundred yards from grounding. The raiding party from the USS Colorado returned safely to their ship in three boats, one having been lost during the raid. During this action which accounted for the Florida states’ first loss of life, casualty numbers are unreliable at best. Up to fifteen Union sailors & Marines overall may have been wounded, with at least two, possibly three killed. Confederate numbers are at least 10 wounded but the extent of injuries are unknown. Some claims are as high as thirty to forty Confederate troops killed but there are no records to substantiate these claims.
The loss of the Judah was seen as a serious blow to Confederate aspirations on employing a sizable ‘privateer’ force against the North. Her destruction resulted in a revenge attack on Fort Picket the following month. Meanwhile, the USS Colorado sometime later became the flagship of the North Atlantic Blockade Squadron and figured prominently in the assault on Fort Fisher in North Carolina.”
https://sites.google.com/site/290foundation/history/uss-colorado-judah
B Sunday, September 14, 1862: Battle of South Mountain, Maryland. Battle of South Mountain was in itself a battle of great importance and profound consequence. It was the first major battle fought north of the Potomac and it was there-and not at Antietam-where Lee’s first invasion of Union territory was initially met-and turned back. It was a daylong fight, spread out across many miles of rugged, mountainous terrain, as the two sides slugged it out for control of several key mountain passes. Total casualties exceeded 5,000 men, killed, wounded, or captured, a number comparable to those lost at First Bull Run. By day’s end, George McClellan and his Army of the Potomac emerged triumphant; their first major victory of the war. Conversely, and for the first time since he assumed army command three-and-a-half months earlier, Robert E. Lee suffered a serious battlefield defeat. That night, in ordering a retreat from the mountain, Lee also decided to bring an end to his invasion north. Lee’s retreat took him some eight miles westward across the Antietam Creek where he hoped to regain his lost initiative and score a victory on Union soil. As at South Mountain, however, here again Lee was defeated at the hands of McClellan and his victory-flushed Army of the Potomac.
http://www.historynet.com/battle-of-south-mountain.htm
B+ Sunday, September 14, 1862: Battle of South Mountain, Maryland. South Mountain is really two separate fights on the same date, at three separate passes through the ridge that Lee is using as a shield to operate behind. Captain Charles Russell and a party of riders from the 1st Maryland Cavalry Regiment (U.S.), sent from Harper’s Ferry, ride north to find McClellan and ask for help. The message Russell carries is about Col. Miles’ command in the town of Harper’s ferry—that it cannot hold out long. In response, Gen. McClellan has assigned Gen. Franklin and the VI Corps to angle southwest, punch through Crampton’s Gap and attack McLaws overlooking Harper’s Ferry. A bit farther north, he sends Cox’s brigade, followed up soon by Gen. Burnside and the IX Corps and Hooker’s I Corps. McClellan’s plan is to push through the South Mountain (an extension of the Blue Ridge) gaps and hit Lee’s army in its divided state and defeat the Rebels piecemeal.
Battle of Crampton’s Gap: When Franklin’s two division arrive here, it takes him an inexplicable three hours or more to deploy his forces. He takes the village of Burkittsville, but it is late afternoon before he makes his attack on the pass, which is held by a very thin brigade of McLaws’ force. Franklin’s troops make a desultory attack, and are held at bay. McLaws send reinforcements, and Franklin despairs of being able to take the Gap, and sends a message to McClellan to this effect—yet, at the end of the day, the Yankees win, and drive the Rebels out, doing serious damage to several Rebel brigades, after Slocum and Baldy Smith’s division push the attack, disrupting a late reinforcement from Cobb’s Rebel brigade, and capturing nearly 400 prisoners. While witnessing Franklin’s cumbersome and slow deployment, Confederate artilleryman George Michael Neese records in his journal, "To observe the caution with which the Yankees, with their vast superior numbers, approached the mountain, it put one very much in mind of a lion, king of the forest, making exceeding careful preparations to spring on a plucky little mouse."
Battle of Fox’s and Turner’s Gap: Maj. Gen. D.H. Hill and his division of 5,000 men guard both passes. He sends word to Longstreet for reinforcements. Gen. Jacob Cox pushes his Union brigade up the heavily wooded slope toward Fox’s Gap, where they have initial success until Southern reinforcements arrive. Lt. Col. Rutherford B. Hayes, leading the 23rd Ohio in a flank attack, is seriously wounded. Gen. Reno then sends up the rest of his IX Corps, and at the height of battle, several rifle bullets strike Reno at once and he dies soon thereafter. The Federal assault at Fox’s almost succeeds until the late arrival of Hood’s brigades stop them. At Turner’s Gap, the now-famous Iron Brigade strikes one Confederate brigade and drive it back. Rodes’s Brigade is also forced back, as the Federals advance into the gap. After Jones’s division arrives with other reinforcements, and Longstreet with them, the Federal attacks slow. Gen. Hooker then deploys three entire divisions into line of battle and pushes forward, with Meade and Hatch lined up for an assault on the right. Finally, after deflecting these attacks, the Rebels withdraw, battered.
Union Victory.
Losses: Killed Wounded Captured and Missing Total
Union 443 1,807 75 2,325
Confederate 325 1,560+ 800+ @3,300
When all is done, about 28,000 Federal troops have been engaged against about 18,000 Confederates. Although the Rebels are defeated, and the passes now open, Lee has been given another 24 hours of precious time to concentrate his army before McClellan can get at him. Lee issues orders for all troops to converge on and concentrate at Sharpsburg, Maryland.
http://civilwarsesquicentdaily-wolfshield.blogspot.com/search?q=September+14%2C+1862
C Monday, September 14, 1863: General Rosecrans (US) continued to concentrate his forces, as he had be trying to catch General Braxton Bragg (CSA) since he abandoned Chattanooga. Bragg (CSA) for the last week had been trying to lure the Union Army into a full scale battle. By now General Rosecrans (US) was just wanting to gather his troops together and go back to Chattanooga. More skirmishes at La Fayette, GA, and Somerville, Raccoon and Robertson's Fords, and Rapidan Station, VA, as General Meade’s Army of the Potomac (US) moves against General Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia (CSA). A small skirmish at Henderson, Tennessee.
https://sites.google.com/site/civilwarhardemancotn/departments/department-c/week-127
D Wednesday, September 14, 1864: General Lee (CSA) was in trouble, even the corn rations had run out for his men at Petersburg, Virginia, but General Wade Hampton III (CSA) (pictured) had learned of 3,000 head of cattle on the James River at Coggin’s Point, just five miles away from Lt. General Ulysses S. Grant’s (US) headquarters, which were lightly defended by only 120 Union soldiers and 30 civilians. Now with 3,000 Rebel troops following him, some of these men included “several certified Texas cattle thieves,” he figures on getting most of the cattle to Petersburg. He is now riding south of the cities, behind Union lines, and chooses to cross where the Cook’s Bridge over the Blackwater River once stood, knowing that an attack from there would be unexpected.
https://sites.google.com/site/civilwarhardemancotn/departments/1864/week-179
FYI GySgt Jack Wallace CWO4 Terrence Clark SMSgt Lawrence McCarter LTC Trent Klug SFC Bernard WalkoSSG Franklin Briant SSG Byron Howard Sr CPL Ronald Keyes Jr SFC William Farrell CMDCM John F. "Doc" Bradshaw SPC Lyle MontgomeryPO2 Marco MonsalveSPC Woody Bullard SSG Michael Noll SSG Bill McCoy SFC David Reid, M.S, PHR, SHRM-CP, DTMSgt Christopher Collins SPC (Join to see) SPC Gary C. PO3 Lynn Spalding
“The Confederate lines at Pensacola stretched for four miles, from Fort McRee on the west, eastward towards Fort Barrancas and the navy yard. Guards manned three lookout points on the west side of the bay; but the small flotilla was not spotted until almost past the third position, nearest to the harbour. Raising the alarm, shots were exchanged between the guards and marines in the last boat. Two, possibly three Marines and an equal number of Confederate soldiers died in this first fire-fight; but in poor light these fatalities were more by misfortune than accurately aimed shots.
Taking advantage of the melee behind them, Marines from the first two boats successfully boarded the mostly deserted Judah and, under increasing danger from gunfire ashore, set her hull on fire. Marines from the third boat meanwhile, landed and spiked four, 10 in. Columbiad guns of the nearest shore battery manned by Confederate Marines of Co. B and commanded by Captain Alfred Van Benthuysen, before they too were forced back by sparodic gunfire.”
“Fire quickly took hold of the Judah’s newly pitched timbers and within the hour she had lost her mooring lines and drifted down towards the shore line near Fort Barrancas, eventually sinking some hundred yards from grounding. The raiding party from the USS Colorado returned safely to their ship in three boats, one having been lost during the raid. During this action which accounted for the Florida states’ first loss of life, casualty numbers are unreliable at best.”
In 1862 the Battle of Munfordville, Kentucky began which would end in Confederate victory on September 17.
In 1862, “Battle of South Mountain. Success on the fields of Second Manassas had made Robert E. Lee bold. In addition to advancing his army into Maryland, Lee divided his invasion force and sent a large portion of it to seize the Federal arsenal at Harpers Ferry. However, his opponent, Gen. George B. McClellan, was given a mislaid copy of one of Lee's orders that revealed the Virginian's plans and troop positions. Aware that a portion of Lee's army was now vulnerable to attack, McClellan advanced on South Mountain.
Only a small Confederate force under D.H. Hill protected Turner's and Fox's Gaps, two vital passes through the South Mountain range. Early on September 14, Gen. Jacob D. Cox's division of the Union Ninth Corps launched an attack against Samuel Garland's brigade at Fox's Gap. Cox's 3,000 Ohioans overran Garland's North Carolinians, driving the Southerners from behind a stone wall and mortally wounding Gen. Garland. With Fox's Gap now clear, Cox awaited reinforcements to further his gains.
Support, however, was not forthcoming. Despite having the strategic and numerical advantage over his opponent—or perhaps because of it—a spirit of leisure seemed to pervade McClellan's headquarters, where the commanding general determined to let his subordinates direct the unfolding battle. Making matters worse, the usually aggressive Ninth Corps head, Gen. Jesse L. Reno, was slow to send reinforcements to Fox's Gap, thus allowing additional troops from Gen. James Longstreet's command to shore up the Confederate positions on South Mountain. Gen. Ambrose Burnside, in turn, chose to wait for the arrival of Joseph Hooker's First Corps before making a concerted effort to seize the mountain passes. An uncoordinated Confederate counterattack foundered in the region's confusing thickets. By now, both sides had received reinforcements as the battle for control of South Mountain escalated.
While Union and Confederate commanders funneled troops into Fox's and Turner's Gaps, excessive caution plagued Gen. William B. Franklin's Federal Sixth Corps on its way to relieve the besieged garrison at Harpers Ferry. Roughly one thousand Confederates held Crampton's Gap, yet Franklin was convinced the Rebels were in strong enough force to delay the advance of his 12,000-man corps. Gen. Henry W. Slocum, however, felt differently. At around 4 p.m., Slocum's division of Maine, New Jersey, New York, and Pennsylvania troops charged headlong up the slope and into Crampton's Gap, dislodging the outnumbered Confederates from the protection of a stone fence. Even the arrival of two Georgia regiments under Howell Cobb did little to stem the Union tide. A second attack drove the remaining Confederates down the western slope of South Mountain, leaving the Sixth Corps in possession of Crampton's Gap. But with daylight fading and Confederate reinforcements forming in the distance, Franklin halted his column.
Meanwhile, at Turner's Gap, Hooker's corps had arrived on the field and Burnside was finally ready to launch a coordinated assault. At 4 p.m. — seven hours after the fighting began — Union divisions under generals George Meade and John P. Hatch made a relentless charge on the northern end of Turner's Gap. The brunt of the Federal onslaught fell upon the 1,200 men of Brig. Gen. Robert Rodes' brigade, whose regiments suffered severe casualties during the struggle. Meade's Pennsylvania Reserves' well-directed attack pressed the Confederate left flank while Hatch's troops advanced on their right. Only the timely arrival of reinforcements from Longstreet prevented the Confederate line from collapsing. After a brutal firefight along a cornfield fence, Hatch broke through the Rebel line but darkness prevented the capture of Turner's Gap.
Back at Fox's Gap, the reunited Ninth Corps mounted a separate effort to seize control of Turner's Gap but ran into stiff resistance from Confederate divisions under generals John B. Hood and D.H. Hill. Casualties mounted, among them Gen. Reno, who was shot down in almost the same spot as Samuel Garland had been that morning. A diversionary attack by Gen. John Gibbon's "Black Hat Brigade" produced only more bloodshed. As the sun set over South Mountain, the exhausted Confederates still maintained control of Turner's Gap.
Though Lee, Longstreet, and D.H. Hill agreed to abandon South Mountain before daylight on September 15, the bloody, day-long struggle bought the Confederate army valuable time to consolidate its position—and ready itself for the coming battle along Antietam Creek. McClellan had lost his best chance of destroying Lee's army in detail.”
http://www.civilwar.org/battlefields/south-mountain.html?tab=facts
Sunday, September 14, 1862: The Battles of South Mountain: The Day Has Gone Against Us. It was the Lord’s Day. In towns across the nation, church bells were ringing, calling believers to worship. Hymnals were opened and songs were sung, echoing through valleys, city streets, from atop hills, and over sparkling late summer streams. In thousands of villages, voices were raised and heads were bowed in reverence. Except here, along South Mountain in northern Maryland.
Captain Charles Russell of the 1st Maryland Cavalry, along with nine other Union troopers, had picked their way from besieged Harpers Ferry, through Confederate lines, until they finally crossed South Mountain and found General Jesse Reno, commanding the IX Corps of the Army of the Potomac. Dawn was just breaking when he delivered the news that the Federal garrison at Harpers Ferry could hold out for only two more days.
Reno gave Russell a fresh horse and sent him along to General McClellan’s headquarters in Frederick. McClellan was surprised to learn that Col. Dixon Miles, commanding the Union troops at the Ferry had abandoned the much more defensible heights surrounding the town. All was not lost, however, as McClellan had already sent General William Franklin’s Corps to rescue the garrison. McClellan gave Russell a note and sent him along to hurry Franklin forward.
It would take Captain Russell five hours to reach Franklin, who was, by then, engaged in a pitched battle just west of Burkittsville.
McClellan’s orders for Franklin were simple (though fairly impossible). He was to “cut off, destroy or capture [Confederate General Lafayette] McLaws’ command & relieve Col. Miles” at Harpers Ferry. Once accomplished, he was to head northeast to cut off the main Confederate army’s line of retreat. McClellan wanted to “cut the enemy in two and beat him in detail.”
The orders for the rest of the army, however, were muddled. He believed that all of the Rebels not around Harpers Ferry were in Boonsboro. He was mistaken. Between his lead troops and Boonsboro was South Mountain. Two passes led over the range – Turner’s Gap to the north and Fox’s Gap to the south. They might be guarded, he thought, but not defended.
At dawn, a single brigade and a cavalry probe headed towards Turner’s Gap under the direction of General Jacob Cox. Along the way, he heard from a paroled Union prisoner that the Gap before them was indeed defended. Cox then decided to outflank the Rebels by using Fox’s Gap. When he marched there, however, he found that also heavily defended. Around 9am, the fighting turned heavy and then vicious, as the adversaries fixed bayonets. In hand-to-hand melee, they charged and countercharged across fields and meadows, through thickets and woods. Cox’s men, mostly from Ohio, overpowered the unexpected Confederates, commanded by D.H. Hill, holding Fox’s Gap. The fight, however, was far from over.
During the lull that ensued after Cox drove the Rebels from Fox’s Gap, General James Longstreet, commanding the Confederates in Hagerstown and Boonsboro, hurried back reinforcements to hold South Mountain. Cox, on the other hand, waited for reinforcements of his own. In the early afternoon, General Ambrose Burnside, commanding the Union right wing (I and IX Corps) finally showed up. With him came a brigade of reinforcements for Cox, but wanted to wait until the I Corps could be put into position so that Tuner’s Gap and Fox’s Gap could be assailed simultaneously. Around 3:30 in the afternoon, all was ready. Burnside had arrayed his 28,000 men against roughly 10,000 Rebels.
Around the same time that Burnside finally let loose his troops, General Franklin at Crampton’s Gap near Burkittsville was in the thick of it with his 12,000 men.
When heading west from the usually quaint village of Burkittsville, Maryland, the traveler finds a main road through a passage named Crampton’s Gap. A few miles to the south was the lesser-used Brownsville Gap. Confederate General McLaws had placed a small force of 1,000 or so to guard the passes, while the rest of his force assaulted Harpers Ferry.
Franklin had arrived in town at noon, but took an inexplicable three hours to ready his men for battle. During that time, the Confederates were able to double their numbers while watching the blue lines grow longer. Much of the time was spent by Franklin trying to suss out the enemy position.
Franklin received a dispatch from McClellan around 2pm that left him an out. While he was ordered to “carry Burkittsville at any cost” (which he already held), he was also instructed that if he found the Rebels “in too great a force at the pass let me know at once, and amuse them as best you can so as to retain them there.” McClellan then promised to throw the rest of the Army of the Potomac upon Crampton’s Gap.
Unsure of what was before him, he cautiously advanced his troops while the artillery boomed overhead. Within minutes, the troops were fully engaged. The smoke of battle clung in the dense forests and, with the sun dipping behind South Mountain, Franklin could no longer see the action.
After an hour of fighting, he reported back to General McClellan that Crampton’s Gap was too heavily defended to carry without reinforcements. But Franklin was merely being pessimistic. His troops, their dander already up, carried Crampton’s Gap.
While the fighting developed at Crampton’s it raged with a relentless fury at Fox’s and Turner’s. As Longstreet’s reinforcements came up, filing into Fox’s Gap, they attacked, throwing the Federals under Jesse Reno back on their heels. The Confederates attempted to flank the Union left, but quick thinking by General Cox stymied their advance.
Ambrose Burnside, commanding the Federals at both gaps, then ordered a general assault. On the Union right, just north of Turner’s Gap, General Joe Hooker’s I Corps hit the Rebels hard. But they held their ground against overwhelming numbers and managed a counterattack before being smashed by a Federal volley. Hooker’s men advanced and drove the Rebels back, taking the contested high ground.
While Cox’s men at Fox’s Gap and Hooker’s north of Turner’s Gap were engaged, Burnside threw the Iron Brigade, commanded by John Gibbon, up the National Road to Turner’s Gap itself. There, the Rebels stuck and Gibbon could do little more than hold his ground, while his men fired away at the enemy.
Back at Fox’s Gap, with light growing dim, General Jesse Reno was trying to figure out why his IX Corps wasn’t following up their victory by chasing the retreating Rebels. There seemed to be a lull that fell over the field, but soon, Reno heard Confederate troops advancing on his front. He called up a regiment to throw forward skirmishers.
As they advanced, Reno squinted through field glasses towards a darkened tree line, trying to determine if the Rebels were actually there. Then, piercing the dim air, muzzles flashed and General Reno fell to the ground, several bullets tearing through his chest.
A stretcher was quickly found and he was taken to the foot of the mountain. “Hello Sam,” said the weakened Jesse Reno to his friend, General Samuel Sturgis – they had graduated West Point together. “I’m dead.”
“Oh no, General. Not as bad as that, I hope,” replied General Sturgis.
“Yes, yes. It is all up with me. I am dead. Good-bye.” And the life left the body of Jesse Reno.
Though Crampton’s Gap and Fox’s Gap had fallen, the Confederates still held Turner’s Gap. But General Lee knew they had to leave. This sudden attack was out of character for General McClellan. What Lee, of course, did not know was that McClellan learned of Lee’s plans for the campaign with the capture of Special Orders No. 191.
With his army scattered across the countryside, Lee realized that he would have to abandon his strike into the heart of Pennsylvania. That night, General Lee sent a dispatch to General McLaws, surrounding Harpers Ferry.
“The day has gone against us and this army will go by Sharpsburg and cross the river.”
Though the day was not his, the battles at South Mountain gave Lee twenty-four hours to gather his army. Had the Gaps not been held, McClellan might have fallen upon Lee’s divided command.
The casualties: At Turner’s Gap, the Federals lost 933, while at Fox’s Gap, they lost 858. At Crampton’s Gap, the Federals lost 538. The Confederates never tallied their dead, but it’s assumed they lost roughly 2,300 at Turner’s and Fox’s Gaps, and, perhaps 1,000 at Crampton’s.”
http://civilwardailygazette.com/the-battles-of-south-mountain-the-day-has-gone-against-us/
Monday, September 14, 1863: Rumors, misinformation, and misdirection in the mountains along Chickamauga Creek. Braxton Bragg had twice let opportunities to strike a decisive blow slip through his fingers. It was due to insubordination and lack of his own clear and direct orders that both chances were gone. However, the Federal Army of the Cumberland, commanded by William Rosecrans, was still fragmented, while his own Confederate Army of Tennessee had been able to concentrate along Chickamauga Creek, outside of Chattanooga.
But Bragg had become lost and confused. According to corps commander D.H. Hill, Bragg was bewildered by “the popping out of the rats from so many holes.” One advantage to having a fractured and scattered army was that they seemed to be everywhere at once.
From all that Bragg knew from his headquarters at La Fayette, Rosecrans’ army was divided into three portions. To the north was Chattanooga. At least one division, but possibly an entire corps had come down and was threatening his left around Rock Spring. Across Pigeon Mountain to his front was another portion of the enemy’s force, again possibly a corps, resting in McLemore’s Cove. On Bragg’s left (to the south) was an entire corps, but he suspected the probability of two. All through the previous day (the 13th), he and D.H. Hill, whose troops occupied the La Fayette area, were constantly looking over their shoulders for an attack that never came.
In truth, there was a full corps at each of the mentioned locations, with Alexander McCook’s XX Corps to the south at Alpine. Rosecrans needed to concentrate his army, but getting McCook’s troops to join George Thomas’ XIV Corps at McLemore’s Cover would be no easy task. The problem was that General McCook still understood the Cover to be held by Bragg’s Confederates, when really it was held by Thomas’ Federals. Running from McCook’s position at Alpine to Thomas’ at McLemore’s was a small mountain road about fifteen miles in length. Since McCook believed that way to be blocked, he was instead left with a fifty mile tramp that would force his corps to recross Lookout Mountain.
And so McCook’s men stepped off on the morning of the 13th, ready to march over three times as far as they actually needed. Oddly, General Thomas knew nothing of this road, either, and suggested on this date that McCook was on the right path. The only person who seemed to know about this shortcut was General Rosecrans, who didn’t bother to clue McCook in on it until the evening of this date. This little mistake would cost McCook’s Corps over two days of pointless marching.
Things were looking only slightly better for Bragg. Though his army was concentrated, he believed himself to be outnumbered. And though he had received reinforcements, he had no concrete evidence that James Longstreet’s Corps from Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia was on their way to him. On the 13th, he heard some rumors of eastern troops on trains arriving in Atlanta, 100 miles to the south, but he had no idea who they were or where they were going (though he probably assumed they were going to him). He wouldn’t know anything for sure until the 15th.
The truth to the rumors was this. Longstreet was en route with two of his divisions, under Lafayette McLaws and John Bell Hook. One of Hood’s brigades had arrived in Atlanta on the 12th, but was in no shape to leave for want of food and shoes until this date. The rest of the troops, including the artillery, were still somewhere in the Carolinas, and were still five days away from Bragg’s Army.
McCook: So, you couldn't have told me about the short cut? You don't expect me to reconnoiter my own ground, do you?
McCook: So, you couldn’t have told me about the short cut? You don’t expect me to reconnoiter my own ground, do you?
Another huge concern for Bragg was Ambrose Burnside’s Army of the Ohio, which had numbered 25,000 at Knoxville, but was currently at large. His fear had been that Burnside would link up with Rosecrans and together crush his Confederate forces. In this, Bragg had a bit to worry about.
Blocking the way, he had left about 2,500 troops, but they had surrendered on the 9th. On this date, Bragg was still unaware of this development and so had a small pillow of false hope to comfort him. While Burnside’s Army was nothing at which to sneeze, Bragg had but little to worry about. On the 13th and on this day, General-in-Chief Henry Halleck had finally ordered Burnside to join with Rosecrans at Chattanooga. Due to any number of factors, Burnside wouldn’t receive the orders until the 17th. It had already been days since anyone had heard from him, and several more would pass before any news would come.
http://civilwardailygazette.com/rumors-misinformation-and-misdirection-in-the-mountains-along-chickamauga-creek/
Below are several journal entries from 1861, 1862 and 1863 which shed light on what life was like for soldiers and civilians – the good, the bad and the ugly. In 1861, General Joseph E. Johnston was mad that he was only ranked fourth out of the five CSA generals. In 1862, President Abraham Lincoln wrote a reply to a delegation of clergymen from Chicago who had sent a written Memorial to urge him forward on the Emancipation question.
Saturday, September,14, 1861: Hardeman County plantation owner/ planter, merchant, and civic leader, John Houston Bills (The Pillars) wrote in his dairy: “Major Thomas Hardeman died in a hospital in Knoxville this morning as we learn by telegraph. We order his body here for burial.” Meanwhile, Fremont organizes 38,000 troops to relieve Mulligan at Lexington, Missouri. Confederate President Jefferson Davis receives a complaint from General Joseph E. Johnston about the ranking of Confederate generals. Johnston's hurt pride will cause friction between him and Davis during the War.
Saturday, September,14, 1861: President Davis replied to General Joseph E. Johnston, commander of the Confederate Army of the Potomac who was furious over being ranked as the fourth highest General in the Confederate States Army. He felt, giving his victory at Bull Run, that he should be first. This and more was conveyed to President Davis in an irate letter. At first, the General thought better and did not send it. After two more days of brooding, however, he made sure that it was read by the President.
Of the long, emotional and rambling letter, Davis had little to say: “I have just received and read your letter of the 12th instant. Its language is, as you say, unusual; its arguments and statements utterly one sided, and its insinuations as unfounded as they are unbecoming.”
The rankings deeply hurt Johnston, who couldn’t even bring himself to reply to Davis’s letter. The two never spoke of it to each other again, but their relationship was permanently damaged.
Sunday, September 14, 1862: Pres. Lincoln writes a reply to a delegation of clergymen from Chicago who have sent a written Memorial to urge him forward on the Emancipation question: “September 13,1862. The subject presented in the memorial is one upon which I have thought much for weeks past, and I may even say for months. I am approached with the most opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious men, who are equally certain that they represent the Divine will. I am sure that either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and perhaps in some respects both. I hope it will not be irreverent for me to say that if it is probable that God would reveal his will to others, on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed he would reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter. And if I can learn what it is I will do it! These are not, however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect a direct revelation. I must study the plain physical facts of the case, ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and right. . . .
Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? Understand, I raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds; for, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time of war I suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy; nor do I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of insurrection and massacre at the South. I view this matter as a practical war measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion. . . . I admit that slavery is the root of the rebellion, or at least its sine qua non. The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to act, but they would have been impotent without slavery as their instrument. I will also concede that emancipation would help us in Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more than ambition. I grant, further, that it would help somewhat at the North, though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine. Still, some additional strength would be added in that way to the war, and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the rebels by drawing off their laborers, which is of great importance; but I am not so sure we could do much with the blacks. . . .
Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned these objections. They indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in some such way as you desire. I have not decided against a proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement; and I can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, more than any other. Whatever shall appear to be God’s will, I will do. I trust that in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views I have not in any respect injured your feelings.”
Monday, September 14, 1863: Chickamauga Campaign: Maj. Gen. Thomas L. Crittenden, commanding one of Rosecrans’ corps, is near Lee and Gordon Mills, in the Chickamauga Valley. This letter of his to Rosecrans’ HQ reveals Crittenden’s nearly complete lack of information on the whereabouts of the Confederates, and his lack of awareness how vulnerable he is, not being in touch with any other corps of the army. One blog speculates that the reason he “feels” no enemy in front of him is that Bragg is holding back until Longstreet’s divisions from Lee’s army can join him, before he will strike: “HEADQUARTERS TWENTY-FIRST ARMY CORPS, Gordon's Mills, September 14, 1863-12.30 p. m. Brigadier General J. A. GARFIELD: I have this moment returned from the front. I am confident that there is no considerable force of infantry near me at this time. My reconnaissance to the front proves that there is none in that direction as far out as 5 miles. The firing which Oldershaw thought was from Wilder's, was from Van Cleve's front, mostly from two rebel guns. Van Cleve has not reported, but I am satisfied they are not about to attack me here to-day. Indeed, I think I can whip them if they do-all of them. We are, I think, in a position that they can turn, but I also think they dare not pass me. If they should I can join General Thomas, or rather he can join me, and our army get together here or at La Fayette. But this is mere speculation. I don't think they will come.
As there is no force of ours at Ringgold, had you not better order Minty, if he is near you, to leave some force at Rossville? I am afraid cavalry may come in from toward Ringgold, and cut off my communication. I will send you dispatch as soon as I get detailed report from my different reconnaissances.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, T. L. CRITTENDEN, Major-General, Commanding.”
Monday, September 14, 1863: The New York Times reports on the new laws concerning the military draft, and the responsibilities of the drafted man: “DECISIONS RESPECTING THE DRAFT. It has been decided that, under the thirteenth section of the Enrollment act, a party drafted, and wishing to furnish a substitute, or pay commutation, must do so on or before the day fixed for his appearance. The privilege expires with that day. If he fails to report, and is arrested as a deserter, he has a right to go before the Board of Eurollment, and prove that he is not liable to do military duty. If held to be liable, he cannot escape personal service. Also, under such circumstances, he is subject to be proceeded against as a deserter. …”
Monday, September 14, 1863: William H. Battle, of Chapel Hill, North Carolina, writes to his son abouit the death of another son in the army: “Chapel Hill, Sept. 14th 1863. My Dear Kemp I received your letter yesterday morning. It brought the pleasing intelligence that Patty and the children had borne the ride well, and that Raleigh was once more quiet. Along with your letter came another of a very different import. The letter came to your mother by flag of truce, and brought the heartrending news that another one of my children had fallen victim to this cruel war. You can well imagine what a terrible blow it is to us all. Your mother is nearly heartbroken, but she will bear it like a Christian as she is. Time and the consolation of religion will, I trust and believe, soften while it sanctifies the affliction, but the bright smile which in your childhood, you so often see on her face, will, I fear, never be seen there again. I send you a full copy of the letter as I know every word will be deeply interesting to you. We do not know the writer, but his letter bespeaks him a good Christian. We shall ask Mrs. Spencer to write a suitable obituary. She loved Lewis and no doubt will do justice to the subject. Mr. W.H. Battle”
Pictures: 1862-09-14 Mortal wounding of CSA Brigadier General Samuel Garland at South Mountain; 1861-09 Confederate troops man Columbiad guns at the Pensacola Navy Yard; 1862-09-14 raiding party of Union sailors and marines casts off after setting fire to the Confederate Privateer Judah; 1864-09 Great Beefsteak Raid
A. Saturday, September 14, 1861: Pensacola, Florida. The USS Colorado, commanded by Col. Harvey Brown, descended on the Pensacola, Florida navy yard. The local Confederate force quickly left, leaving the Confederate privateer, Judah. The Colorado's men destroyed the Judah, and occupied the navy yard.
Background: Union spies naturally reported the arrival of the Judah but upon learning the Confederates planned to convert the ship into an armed privateer, urged that a force of Federal vessels be sent with the prime mission of destroying the Judah before her outfitting could be completed.
in the early hours of September 14th, a force of nearly one hundred men made up from a mix of the Colorado’s crew and on-board Marines under the command of Lt. J.H. Russell, cast off in four longboats. Keeping mid water for much of their trip, the Federal force rowed quietly across the bay on towards Pensacola’s harbour.
The Confederate forces under the command of General Braxton Bragg, numbered several thousand. They were fresh troops but as yet, poorly trained. The Confederate lines stretched for four miles, from Fort McRee on the west, eastward towards Fort Barrancas and the navy yard. Guards manned three lookout points on the west side of the bay; but the small flotilla was not spotted until almost past the third position, nearest to the harbour. Raising the alarm, shots were exchanged between the guards and marines in the last boat. Two, possibly three Marines and an equal number of Confederate soldiers died in this first fire-fight; but in poor light these fatalities were more by misfortune than accurately aimed shots.
Taking advantage of the melee behind them, Marines from the first two boats successfully boarded the mostly deserted Judah and, under increasing danger from gunfire ashore, set her hull on fire. Marines from the third boat meanwhile, landed and spiked four, 10 in. Columbiad guns of the nearest shore battery manned by Confederate Marines of Co. B and commanded by Captain Alfred Van Benthuysen, before they too were forced back by sparodic gunfire.
B. Sunday, September 14, 1862: Battle of South Mountain, Maryland. Battle of South Mountain was in itself a battle of great importance and profound consequence. It was the first major battle fought north of the Potomac and it was there-and not at Antietam-where Lee’s first invasion of Union territory was initially met-and turned back. It was a daylong fight, spread out across many miles of rugged, mountainous terrain, as the two sides slugged it out for control of several key mountain passes. Total casualties exceeded 5,000 men, killed, wounded, or captured, a number comparable to those lost at First Bull Run. By day’s end, George McClellan and his Army of the Potomac emerged triumphant; their first major victory of the war. Conversely, and for the first time since he assumed army command three-and-a-half months earlier, Robert E. Lee suffered a serious battlefield defeat. That night, in ordering a retreat from the mountain, Lee also decided to bring an end to his invasion north. Lee’s retreat took him some eight miles westward across the Antietam Creek where he hoped to regain his lost initiative and score a victory on Union soil. As at South Mountain, however, here again Lee was defeated at the hands of McClellan and his victory-flushed Army of the Potomac.
C. Monday, September 14, 1863: Maj Gen William Rosecrans continued to concentrate his forces, as he had be trying to catch CSA General Braxton Bragg since he abandoned Chattanooga. Bragg for the last week had been trying to lure the Union Army into a full scale battle. By now General Rosecrans was just wanting to gather his troops together and go back to Chattanooga.
Braxton Bragg had twice let opportunities to strike a decisive blow slip through his fingers. It was due to insubordination and lack of his own clear and direct orders that both chances were gone. However, the Federal Army of the Cumberland, commanded by William Rosecrans, was still fragmented, while his own Confederate Army of Tennessee had been able to concentrate along Chickamauga Creek, outside of Chattanooga.
But Bragg had become lost and confused. According to corps commander D.H. Hill, Bragg was bewildered by “the popping out of the rats from so many holes.” One advantage to having a fractured and scattered army was that they seemed to be everywhere at once.
From all that Bragg knew from his headquarters at La Fayette, Rosecrans’ army was divided into three portions. To the north was Chattanooga. At least one division, but possibly an entire corps had come down and was threatening his left around Rock Spring. Across Pigeon Mountain to his front was another portion of the enemy’s force, again possibly a corps, resting in McLemore’s Cove. On Bragg’s left (to the south) was an entire corps, but he suspected the probability of two. All through the previous day (the 13th), he and D.H. Hill, whose troops occupied the La Fayette area, were constantly looking over their shoulders for an attack that never came.
In truth, there was a full corps at each of the mentioned locations, with Alexander McCook’s XX Corps to the south at Alpine. Rosecrans needed to concentrate his army, but getting McCook’s troops to join George Thomas’ XIV Corps at McLemore’s Cover would be no easy task. The problem was that General McCook still understood the Cover to be held by Bragg’s Confederates, when really it was held by Thomas’ Federals. Running from McCook’s position at Alpine to Thomas’ at McLemore’s was a small mountain road about fifteen miles in length. Since McCook believed that way to be blocked, he was instead left with a fifty mile tramp that would force his corps to recross Lookout Mountain.
And so McCook’s men stepped off on the morning of the 13th, ready to march over three times as far as they actually needed. Oddly, General Thomas knew nothing of this road, either, and suggested on this date that McCook was on the right path. The only person who seemed to know about this shortcut was General Rosecrans, who didn’t bother to clue McCook in on it until the evening of this date. This little mistake would cost McCook’s Corps over two days of pointless marching.
D. Wednesday, September 14, 1864: CSA General Robert E. Lee was in trouble since even the corn rations had run out for his men at Petersburg, Virginia, but CSA General Wade Hampton III had learned of 3,000 head of cattle on the James River at Coggin’s Point, just five miles away from Lt. General Ulysses S. Grant’s headquarters, which were lightly defended by only 120 Union soldiers and 30 civilians. Now with 3,000 Rebel troops following him, some of these men included “several certified Texas cattle thieves,” he figures on getting most of the cattle to Petersburg. He is now riding south of the cities, behind Union lines, and chooses to cross where the Cook’s Bridge over the Blackwater River once stood, knowing that an attack from there would be unexpected.
1. Saturday, September,14, 1861: Hardeman County plantation owner/ planter, merchant, and civic leader, John Houston Bills (The Pillars) wrote in his dairy: “Major Thomas Hardeman died in a hospital in Knoxville this morning as we learn by telegraph. We order his body here for burial.” Meanwhile, Fremont organizes 38,000 troops to relieve Mulligan at Lexington, Missouri. Confederate President Jefferson Davis receives a complaint from General Joseph E. Johnston about the ranking of Confederate generals. Johnston's hurt pride will cause friction between him and Davis during the War.
https://sites.google.com/site/civilwarhardemancotn/departments/department-a/part-twenty-two
2. Saturday, September,14, 1861: President Davis replied to General Joseph E. Johnston, commander of the Confederate Army of the Potomac who was furious over being ranked as the fourth highest General in the Confederate States Army. He felt, giving his victory at Bull Run, that he should be first. This and more was conveyed to President Davis in an irate letter. At first, the General thought better and did not send it. After two more days of brooding, however, he made sure that it was read by the President.
Of the long, emotional and rambling letter, Davis had little to say: “I have just received and read your letter of the 12th instant. Its language is, as you say, unusual; its arguments and statements utterly one sided, and its insinuations as unfounded as they are unbecoming.”
The rankings deeply hurt Johnston, who couldn’t even bring himself to reply to Davis’s letter. The two never spoke of it to each other again, but their relationship was permanently damaged.
http://civilwardailygazette.com/lee-doesnt-quite-admit-defeat-fremont-almost-responds/
3. Sunday, September 14, 1862: Brigadier General Samuel Garland [CS] is mortally wounded during the Battle of Fox's Gap, Maryland - dying later that day. Later that day, Major General Jesse Reno [US] is also mortally wounded a few feet from the spot where Garland fell.
http://blueandgraytrail.com/year/186209
4. Sunday, September 14, 1862: 14-17, 1862: Battle of Munfordville, Kentucky. After being initially repulsed by a federal garrison of 4,000, Braxton Bragg [CS] laid a brief siege. Federals surrendered on the 17th.
http://blueandgraytrail.com/year/186209
5. Sunday, September 14, 1862: Battle of Turners Gap, Battle of Fox's Gap, Battle of South Mountain, Battle of Cramptons Gap. George McClellan reacts to finding Special Order No. 191 with attacks on the gaps in South Mountain, forcing Lee to reorganize at Sharpsburg, Maryland
http://blueandgraytrail.com/year/186209
6. Sunday, September 14, 1862: Battle of Harper’s Ferry, Day 2 - Still locked up firmly in the riverside railroad town, Col. Dixon Miles wonders what to do, since it appears that any Federal rescue will not come soon. Jackson finishes placing all of his larger guns, and opens fire at 1:00 PM. Col. B.F. Davis, of the 12th Illinois Cavalry, takes his regiment and a few other mounted units across the Potomac, and escapes without being discovered. As Davis’s brigade rides, they come across the wagon train of Longstreets’ corps; through a ruse, they trick the teamsters to follow them, where the entire train of over 40 wagons is driven into Union lines—the first major exploit of the Union cavalry in the Eastern Theater.
http://civilwarsesquicentdaily-wolfshield.blogspot.com/search?q=September+14%2C+1862
7. Sunday, September 14, 1862: Western Theater: Gen. Buell finally makes a commitment to pursue Bragg and the invading Confederates up into Kentucky. Buell leaves one division in Nashville, and marches north.
http://civilwarsesquicentdaily-wolfshield.blogspot.com/search?q=September+14%2C+1862
8. Sunday, September 14, 1862: Western Theater, Mississippi Campaign - Iuka. Gen. Sterling Price and his Army of the West (C.S.) advances on Iuka, Mississippi, and finds that the negligible Union force there is unwilling to contest matters. The Yankees pull out and burn what supplies they can.. Price’s troops occupy the city, and put the fire out.
http://civilwarsesquicentdaily-wolfshield.blogspot.com/search?q=September+14%2C+1862
9. Sunday, September 14, 1862: Robert E. Lee’s (CSA) knew one copy of his “Special Order 191”, directing his next move was lost, but the odds of someone finding it was slim. Slim or not, a couple Union soldiers did find the orders. Lee had split his army on two paths. Stonewall Jackson was headed to Harpers Ferry, while Lee was making his way toward Hagerstown, MD. The North, with the knowledge of where Lee was and where he was heading, made a series of attacks on the Confederates at South Mountain in MD.
https://sites.google.com/site/civilwarhardemancotn/departments/department-b/part-seventy-five
10. Sunday, September 14, 1862: Pres. Lincoln writes a reply to a delegation of clergymen from Chicago who have sent a written Memorial to urge him forward on the Emancipation question: “September 13,1862. The subject presented in the memorial is one upon which I have thought much for weeks past, and I may even say for months. I am approached with the most opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious men, who are equally certain that they represent the Divine will. I am sure that either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and perhaps in some respects both. I hope it will not be irreverent for me to say that if it is probable that God would reveal his will to others, on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed he would reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence in this matter. And if I can learn what it is I will do it! These are not, however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I am not to expect a direct revelation. I must study the plain physical facts of the case, ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears to be wise and right. . . .
Now, then, tell me, if you please, what possible result of good would follow the issuing of such a proclamation as you desire? Understand, I raise no objections against it on legal or constitutional grounds; for, as commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in time of war I suppose I have a right to take any measure which may best subdue the enemy; nor do I urge objections of a moral nature, in view of possible consequences of insurrection and massacre at the South. I view this matter as a practical war measure, to be decided on according to the advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion. . . . I admit that slavery is the root of the rebellion, or at least its sine qua non. The ambition of politicians may have instigated them to act, but they would have been impotent without slavery as their instrument. I will also concede that emancipation would help us in Europe, and convince them that we are incited by something more than ambition. I grant, further, that it would help somewhat at the North, though not so much, I fear, as you and those you represent imagine. Still, some additional strength would be added in that way to the war, and then, unquestionably, it would weaken the rebels by drawing off their laborers, which is of great importance; but I am not so sure we could do much with the blacks. . . .
Do not misunderstand me because I have mentioned these objections. They indicate the difficulties that have thus far prevented my action in some such way as you desire. I have not decided against a proclamation of liberty to the slaves, but hold the matter under advisement; and I can assure you that the subject is on my mind, by day and night, more than any other. Whatever shall appear to be God’s will, I will do. I trust that in the freedom with which I have canvassed your views I have not in any respect injured your feelings.”
http://civilwarsesquicentdaily-wolfshield.blogspot.com/search?q=September+14%2C+1862
11. Monday, September 14, 1863: Chickamauga Campaign: Maj. Gen. Thomas L. Crittenden, commanding one of Rosecrans’ corps, is near Lee and Gordon Mills, in the Chickamauga Valley. This letter of his to Rosecrans’ HQ reveals Crittenden’s nearly complete lack of information on the whereabouts of the Confederates, and his lack of awareness how vulnerable he is, not being in touch with any other corps of the army. One blog speculates that the reason he “feels” no enemy in front of him is that Bragg is holding back until Longstreet’s divisions from Lee’s army can join him, before he will strike: “HEADQUARTERS TWENTY-FIRST ARMY CORPS, Gordon's Mills, September 14, 1863-12.30 p. m. Brigadier General J. A. GARFIELD: I have this moment returned from the front. I am confident that there is no considerable force of infantry near me at this time. My reconnaissance to the front proves that there is none in that direction as far out as 5 miles. The firing which Oldershaw thought was from Wilder's, was from Van Cleve's front, mostly from two rebel guns. Van Cleve has not reported, but I am satisfied they are not about to attack me here to-day. Indeed, I think I can whip them if they do-all of them. We are, I think, in a position that they can turn, but I also think they dare not pass me. If they should I can join General Thomas, or rather he can join me, and our army get together here or at La Fayette. But this is mere speculation. I don't think they will come.
As there is no force of ours at Ringgold, had you not better order Minty, if he is near you, to leave some force at Rossville? I am afraid cavalry may come in from toward Ringgold, and cut off my communication. I will send you dispatch as soon as I get detailed report from my different reconnaissances.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, T. L. CRITTENDEN, Major-General, Commanding.”
http://civilwarsesquicentdaily-wolfshield.blogspot.com/search?q=September+14%2C+1863
12. Monday, September 14, 1863: The New York Times reports on the new laws concerning the military draft, and the responsibilities of the drafted man: “DECISIONS RESPECTING THE DRAFT. It has been decided that, under the thirteenth section of the Enrollment act, a party drafted, and wishing to furnish a substitute, or pay commutation, must do so on or before the day fixed for his appearance. The privilege expires with that day. If he fails to report, and is arrested as a deserter, he has a right to go before the Board of Eurollment, and prove that he is not liable to do military duty. If held to be liable, he cannot escape personal service. Also, under such circumstances, he is subject to be proceeded against as a deserter. …”
http://civilwarsesquicentdaily-wolfshield.blogspot.com/search?q=September+14%2C+1863
13. Monday, September 14, 1863: William H. Battle, of Chapel Hill, North Carolina, writes to his son abouit the death of another son in the army: “Chapel Hill, Sept. 14th 1863. My Dear Kemp I received your letter yesterday morning. It brought the pleasing intelligence that Patty and the children had borne the ride well, and that Raleigh was once more quiet. Along with your letter came another of a very different import. The letter came to your mother by flag of truce, and brought the heartrending news that another one of my children had fallen victim to this cruel war. You can well imagine what a terrible blow it is to us all. Your mother is nearly heartbroken, but she will bear it like a Christian as she is. Time and the consolation of religion will, I trust and believe, soften while it sanctifies the affliction, but the bright smile which in your childhood, you so often see on her face, will, I fear, never be seen there again. I send you a full copy of the letter as I know every word will be deeply interesting to you. We do not know the writer, but his letter bespeaks him a good Christian. We shall ask Mrs. Spencer to write a suitable obituary. She loved Lewis and no doubt will do justice to the subject. Mr. W.H. Battle”
http://civilwarsesquicentdaily-wolfshield.blogspot.com/search?q=September+14%2C+1863
14. Wednesday, September 14, 1864: Fighting breaks out at Berryville, Virginia, as Lieut. General Richard H. Anderson (CSA) and his army corps leaves for the siege lines at Petersburg. This is depleting Lieut. General Jubal Early (CSA) of much needed men.
https://sites.google.com/site/civilwarhardemancotn/departments/1864/week-179
A Saturday, September 14, 1861: Pensacola, Florida - On September 14, the USS Colorado, commanded by Col. Harvey Brown, descended on the Pensacola navy yard. The local Confederate force quickly left, leaving the Confederate privateer, Judah. The Colorado's men destroyed the Judah, and occupied the navy yard.
http://www.mycivilwar.com/battles/1861s.html
Saturday, September 14, 1861: Pensacola, Florida. U.S.S. Colorado versus the Judah. “The 250-ton, William H. Judah an elegant, two-mast schooner, was built c.1859. In early September 1861, the new Confederacy contracted with the ‘Judah & LeBaron Company’ for the use of the Judah over an indefinite period to carry essential cargo. ‘Judah & LeBaron’ were sympathetic and apparently obviated the usual guarantees associated with any indeterminate hire. Under the command of Confederate officers, the Judah sailed from St. John, New Brunswick in Canada, to Pensacola, Florida with a mixed load of mercury, tin, and lead ingots valued at some $40,000, subsequently running the Union blockade and reaching Pensacola with her cargo intact.
Union spies naturally reported the arrival of the Judah but upon learning the Confederates planned to convert the ship into an armed privateer, urged that a force of Federal vessels be sent with the prime mission of destroying the Judah before her outfitting could be completed.
The USS Colorado, a three-mast steam, screw frigate named after the twisting Colorado River had been launched at the Gosport Navy Yard on June 19, 1856. The 3400-ton Colorado was Commodore William Marvine's flagship in the establishment of the Mexican Gulf Blockade in 1861, her 40 guns a Federal asset in starving out the insurgent Confederates from Key West to the Rio Grande. One Ernest White, a specialist in ship construction and employed as a spy by the Federal government and knowing the detail of the Colorado's available position and manpower, devised a scheme to use the Colorado’s longboats, and under cover of night, slip past the Confederate guards and destroy or severely disable the Judah at her berth.
After some delay White’s plan was eventually approved and in the early hours of September 14th, a force of nearly one hundred men made up from a mix of the Colorado’s crew and on-board Marines under the command of Lt. J.H. Russell, cast off in four longboats. Keeping mid water for much of their trip, the Federal force rowed quietly across the bay on towards Pensacola’s harbour.
The Confederate forces under the command of General Braxton Bragg, numbered several thousand. They were fresh troops but as yet, poorly trained. The Confederate lines stretched for four miles, from Fort McRee on the west, eastward towards Fort Barrancas and the navy yard. Guards manned three lookout points on the west side of the bay; but the small flotilla was not spotted until almost past the third position, nearest to the harbour. Raising the alarm, shots were exchanged between the guards and marines in the last boat. Two, possibly three Marines and an equal number of Confederate soldiers died in this first fire-fight; but in poor light these fatalities were more by misfortune than accurately aimed shots.
Taking advantage of the melee behind them, Marines from the first two boats successfully boarded the mostly deserted Judah and, under increasing danger from gunfire ashore, set her hull on fire. Marines from the third boat meanwhile, landed and spiked four, 10 in. Columbiad guns of the nearest shore battery manned by Confederate Marines of Co. B and commanded by Captain Alfred Van Benthuysen, before they too were forced back by sparodic gunfire.
Fire quickly took hold of the Judah’s newly pitched timbers and within the hour she had lost her mooring lines and drifted down towards the shore line near Fort Barrancas, eventually sinking some hundred yards from grounding. The raiding party from the USS Colorado returned safely to their ship in three boats, one having been lost during the raid. During this action which accounted for the Florida states’ first loss of life, casualty numbers are unreliable at best. Up to fifteen Union sailors & Marines overall may have been wounded, with at least two, possibly three killed. Confederate numbers are at least 10 wounded but the extent of injuries are unknown. Some claims are as high as thirty to forty Confederate troops killed but there are no records to substantiate these claims.
The loss of the Judah was seen as a serious blow to Confederate aspirations on employing a sizable ‘privateer’ force against the North. Her destruction resulted in a revenge attack on Fort Picket the following month. Meanwhile, the USS Colorado sometime later became the flagship of the North Atlantic Blockade Squadron and figured prominently in the assault on Fort Fisher in North Carolina.”
https://sites.google.com/site/290foundation/history/uss-colorado-judah
B Sunday, September 14, 1862: Battle of South Mountain, Maryland. Battle of South Mountain was in itself a battle of great importance and profound consequence. It was the first major battle fought north of the Potomac and it was there-and not at Antietam-where Lee’s first invasion of Union territory was initially met-and turned back. It was a daylong fight, spread out across many miles of rugged, mountainous terrain, as the two sides slugged it out for control of several key mountain passes. Total casualties exceeded 5,000 men, killed, wounded, or captured, a number comparable to those lost at First Bull Run. By day’s end, George McClellan and his Army of the Potomac emerged triumphant; their first major victory of the war. Conversely, and for the first time since he assumed army command three-and-a-half months earlier, Robert E. Lee suffered a serious battlefield defeat. That night, in ordering a retreat from the mountain, Lee also decided to bring an end to his invasion north. Lee’s retreat took him some eight miles westward across the Antietam Creek where he hoped to regain his lost initiative and score a victory on Union soil. As at South Mountain, however, here again Lee was defeated at the hands of McClellan and his victory-flushed Army of the Potomac.
http://www.historynet.com/battle-of-south-mountain.htm
B+ Sunday, September 14, 1862: Battle of South Mountain, Maryland. South Mountain is really two separate fights on the same date, at three separate passes through the ridge that Lee is using as a shield to operate behind. Captain Charles Russell and a party of riders from the 1st Maryland Cavalry Regiment (U.S.), sent from Harper’s Ferry, ride north to find McClellan and ask for help. The message Russell carries is about Col. Miles’ command in the town of Harper’s ferry—that it cannot hold out long. In response, Gen. McClellan has assigned Gen. Franklin and the VI Corps to angle southwest, punch through Crampton’s Gap and attack McLaws overlooking Harper’s Ferry. A bit farther north, he sends Cox’s brigade, followed up soon by Gen. Burnside and the IX Corps and Hooker’s I Corps. McClellan’s plan is to push through the South Mountain (an extension of the Blue Ridge) gaps and hit Lee’s army in its divided state and defeat the Rebels piecemeal.
Battle of Crampton’s Gap: When Franklin’s two division arrive here, it takes him an inexplicable three hours or more to deploy his forces. He takes the village of Burkittsville, but it is late afternoon before he makes his attack on the pass, which is held by a very thin brigade of McLaws’ force. Franklin’s troops make a desultory attack, and are held at bay. McLaws send reinforcements, and Franklin despairs of being able to take the Gap, and sends a message to McClellan to this effect—yet, at the end of the day, the Yankees win, and drive the Rebels out, doing serious damage to several Rebel brigades, after Slocum and Baldy Smith’s division push the attack, disrupting a late reinforcement from Cobb’s Rebel brigade, and capturing nearly 400 prisoners. While witnessing Franklin’s cumbersome and slow deployment, Confederate artilleryman George Michael Neese records in his journal, "To observe the caution with which the Yankees, with their vast superior numbers, approached the mountain, it put one very much in mind of a lion, king of the forest, making exceeding careful preparations to spring on a plucky little mouse."
Battle of Fox’s and Turner’s Gap: Maj. Gen. D.H. Hill and his division of 5,000 men guard both passes. He sends word to Longstreet for reinforcements. Gen. Jacob Cox pushes his Union brigade up the heavily wooded slope toward Fox’s Gap, where they have initial success until Southern reinforcements arrive. Lt. Col. Rutherford B. Hayes, leading the 23rd Ohio in a flank attack, is seriously wounded. Gen. Reno then sends up the rest of his IX Corps, and at the height of battle, several rifle bullets strike Reno at once and he dies soon thereafter. The Federal assault at Fox’s almost succeeds until the late arrival of Hood’s brigades stop them. At Turner’s Gap, the now-famous Iron Brigade strikes one Confederate brigade and drive it back. Rodes’s Brigade is also forced back, as the Federals advance into the gap. After Jones’s division arrives with other reinforcements, and Longstreet with them, the Federal attacks slow. Gen. Hooker then deploys three entire divisions into line of battle and pushes forward, with Meade and Hatch lined up for an assault on the right. Finally, after deflecting these attacks, the Rebels withdraw, battered.
Union Victory.
Losses: Killed Wounded Captured and Missing Total
Union 443 1,807 75 2,325
Confederate 325 1,560+ 800+ @3,300
When all is done, about 28,000 Federal troops have been engaged against about 18,000 Confederates. Although the Rebels are defeated, and the passes now open, Lee has been given another 24 hours of precious time to concentrate his army before McClellan can get at him. Lee issues orders for all troops to converge on and concentrate at Sharpsburg, Maryland.
http://civilwarsesquicentdaily-wolfshield.blogspot.com/search?q=September+14%2C+1862
C Monday, September 14, 1863: General Rosecrans (US) continued to concentrate his forces, as he had be trying to catch General Braxton Bragg (CSA) since he abandoned Chattanooga. Bragg (CSA) for the last week had been trying to lure the Union Army into a full scale battle. By now General Rosecrans (US) was just wanting to gather his troops together and go back to Chattanooga. More skirmishes at La Fayette, GA, and Somerville, Raccoon and Robertson's Fords, and Rapidan Station, VA, as General Meade’s Army of the Potomac (US) moves against General Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia (CSA). A small skirmish at Henderson, Tennessee.
https://sites.google.com/site/civilwarhardemancotn/departments/department-c/week-127
D Wednesday, September 14, 1864: General Lee (CSA) was in trouble, even the corn rations had run out for his men at Petersburg, Virginia, but General Wade Hampton III (CSA) (pictured) had learned of 3,000 head of cattle on the James River at Coggin’s Point, just five miles away from Lt. General Ulysses S. Grant’s (US) headquarters, which were lightly defended by only 120 Union soldiers and 30 civilians. Now with 3,000 Rebel troops following him, some of these men included “several certified Texas cattle thieves,” he figures on getting most of the cattle to Petersburg. He is now riding south of the cities, behind Union lines, and chooses to cross where the Cook’s Bridge over the Blackwater River once stood, knowing that an attack from there would be unexpected.
https://sites.google.com/site/civilwarhardemancotn/departments/1864/week-179
FYI GySgt Jack Wallace CWO4 Terrence Clark SMSgt Lawrence McCarter LTC Trent Klug SFC Bernard WalkoSSG Franklin Briant SSG Byron Howard Sr CPL Ronald Keyes Jr SFC William Farrell CMDCM John F. "Doc" Bradshaw SPC Lyle MontgomeryPO2 Marco MonsalveSPC Woody Bullard SSG Michael Noll SSG Bill McCoy SFC David Reid, M.S, PHR, SHRM-CP, DTMSgt Christopher Collins SPC (Join to see) SPC Gary C. PO3 Lynn Spalding
The Battle of South Mountain Summary & Facts | Civilwar.org
On September 14 1862, Union commander George B. McClellan tried to force his troops through three passes in the South Mountain range: Fox's Gap, Turner's Gap, and Crampton's Gap. The Federals eventually forced their way through, but the delay gave Robert E. Lee time to collect his army and prepare for the battle at Antietam.
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SP5 Mark Kuzinski
LTC Stephen F. - I always look forward to you history post! Thanks!! Give my best to your bride.
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SSgt Robert Marx
Pensacola is such a beautiful city there on the Gulf, its main topographical problem being mostly flooding especially with hurricanes.
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LTC Stephen F.
Thank you my friend and brother-in-Christ LTC Trent Klug for sharing your thoughts on the Septmber 14, 1861 "Federal marines battled confederate marines at Pensacola, Florida>"
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LTC Stephen F. great read and share. I am going with: 1864: Confederate cattle rustlers make plans to steal union cattle to feed the CSA forces at Petersburg. CSA General Robert E. Lee was in trouble since even the corn rations had run out for his men at Petersburg, Virginia, but CSA General Wade Hampton III
Of strategic importance as a supply hub IMHO.
I am out of votes and will pick up tomorrow morning, Lord willing!
Of strategic importance as a supply hub IMHO.
I am out of votes and will pick up tomorrow morning, Lord willing!
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SSgt Robert Marx
The problem of foodstuffs is immense, more so when one cannot bring up enough food to feed one's troops. Morale is so closely tied to food, its quality and quantity.
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LTC Stephen F.
Thank you my friend and brother-in-Christ SFC Joe S. Davis Jr., MSM, DSL that you consider September 14, 1864 "Confederate cattle rustlers make plans to steal union cattle to feed the CSA forces at Petersburg. CSA General Robert E. Lee was in trouble since even the corn rations had run out for his men at Petersburg, Virginia, but CSA General Wade Hampton III had learned of 3,000 head of cattle on the James River at Coggin’s Point, just five miles away from Lt. General Ulysses S. Grant’s headquarters, which were lightly defended by only 120 Union soldiers and 30 civilians." to be the most significant event on September 14 during the US Civil War.
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Went with the rustlers LTC Stephen F. interesting to see what we have to do or resort to in lean times.
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LTC Stephen F.
Thank you for friend and brother-in-Christ Maj Marty Hogan for lettng us know that you consider September 14, 1864 "Confederate cattle rustlers make plans to steal union cattle to feed the CSA forces at Petersburg. CSA General Robert E. Lee was in trouble since even the corn rations had run out for his men at Petersburg, Virginia, but CSA General Wade Hampton III had learned of 3,000 head of cattle on the James River at Coggin’s Point, just five miles away from Lt. General Ulysses S. Grant’s headquarters, which were lightly defended by only 120 Union soldiers and 30 civilians." to be the most significant event on September 14 during the US Civil War.
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